Mbelebele brought with him over 200 guns. He also brought information that Mangondo, another chief whose dwelling is near the Inkankla, would surrender if assured of safety against the vengeance of the king. Mbelebele seems to have been a man much trusted by the other chiefs, as he had been in correspondence with the younger brother of Cetywayo, Tyami, Usmwelu, Usiteon, and with Sekatewayo, a northern chief, who all manifested a wish to come in and surrender their arms, cattle, and ammunition, provided life and safety were assured. The chief, in speaking of the king, although somewhat reticent on some points, was certainly not so on others, and stoutly maintained that Cetywayo had doubled upon his pursuers, and so far from being, as was thought, on his way westward to Secocoeni, was in all likelihoods heading back towards a kraal beyond the Lebombo range, called Mussipulo. This information, of course, was at once sent to Lord Gifford and to Colonel Baker Russell.
Sir Garnet Wolseley's next move was on to Fort Victoria, Ulundi, where he arrived on August 9th. On the following day he received information which eventually led to the capture of Cetywayo; but of this we shall speak hereafter.
CHAPTER XIV.
Plans for the capture of Cetywayo—The Jantjis—Vijn's appearance at Victoria—His narrative—Its consequences—Despatch of Major Barrow and Lord Gifford in pursuit of the king—Their march—Description of country traversed—Gifford and Maurice sent on by Barrow—Marches and countermarches—Physical characteristics of country; its flora and fauna—Visit to kraal of friendly Zulus—Capture of two of the king's attendants—Women of the king's household captured—Captain and twenty Basutos join Lord Gifford—Gifford's stratagem to obtain information of the king's hiding-place—Cetywayo's refuge discovered—Forced night-march—Message to Major Marter—His arrival on the scene—Capture of the king.
Meantime the meshes of the net spread for King Cetywayo's capture were being more and more closely woven. Colonel Villiers, who it has been before mentioned had been sent to Oham's district, having got together a force of 65 Europeans and 3050 natives in a fair state of organization, had by August 13th advanced as far as the Assegai river, so as to form a junction with M'Leod and his 5000 Swazis, at that time on the banks of the Pongolo, and thus complete the chain round that side of the Zulu country.
Lord Gifford, with a number of Jantjis, was following up the king, whilst 200 of the 57th were also in pursuit, carefully patrolling the hills that lay beyond Amansekranze, ably seconded by 500 of Barton's natives. The Intanjaneni district, from Middle Drift to Victoria and St. Paul's, was laid down with a line of piquets, whose orders were to keep strict watch by night and day. The escape of the Zulu monarch therefore appeared an impossibility. The Jantjis just spoken of merit a few words of description, not only on account of the good services they rendered, but also because in some points they differ vastly from other South African tribes. The men of this race are fine, active, and well made, standing not unusually six feet in height. Their clothing consists simply of a blanket, worn in peace time in the manner of a Roman toga, but on the war-path invariably discarded for a simple belt of wild-cats' tails. Their weapons are the light assegai, or umkhonto, and this spear can be thrown by them to the distance of seventy or eighty yards, when at that it will have sufficient strength to enter a man's body. Many of the men even brought their guns, and showing Lord Gifford how expert they were in their use, were allowed to carry and employ them, instead of the original native weapon. The Jantjis, like the Kaffirs first, and then the Zulus, are beginning to find out that the assegai is not a match for a gun; consequently, as they have money, they procure a tolerably large number of them. Like most of the Zulu tribes, they build wickerwork huts, and thatch these with the long tambookie grass. These huts are, as usual, arranged in a circle, and thus form a village, or, as we should say, a kraal. The men, unlike the Zulus, are very fond of horses, and most of them can ride. This makes them most useful as mercenaries and levies. As they ride well, it is a pretty sight to see those who are chosen as orderlies dashing along with the letter-bag upon the smart little horses given them by Government. They utterly disdain the use of a saddle, and always gallop along at full speed, with an ostrich feather (if a chief) streaming in the wind, and some wild animal's skin worn hussar fashion, and floating behind. Even with their long black legs almost touching the ground, there is nothing grotesque in their appearance, though doubtless in London such a horseman would cause astonishment. Dashing up with a letter or heliographic message from Sir Garnet, these fellows bring their horses to a sudden stand, as Bedouins do, sending the mould and grit beneath the hoofs flying in the air. Saluting then most gracefully, with the spearhead to the earth, the messenger springs to the ground, and hands in his paquet.
To resume our narrative. On Sunday afternoon (10th August), as Sir Garnet Wolseley was walking with an aide-de-camp near the camp at Fort Victoria, Ulundi, a man on foot was observed, apparently lame and feeble, making the best of his way towards our camp. With glasses it could be made out that he came along with difficulty, limping much, and occasionally casting a furtive glance behind, as if in danger of being pursued. As ponies were ready at hand and saddled, Sir Garnet mounted and cantered out of the camp to see who the man was. On coming to close quarters he found the wayfarer to be no less a personage than one Cornelius Vijn, a Dutch trader of Natal, who was known to have been a prisoner for some time at Cetywayo's kraal. His aspect and general appearance were, to put it mildly, more those of a badly-dressed scarecrow than those of a human being, and his haggard and hungry contour, his wearied look, lean and meagre, with eyes deeply sunk in their orbits, and his parchment-like cheeks, hollow and cavernous, all spoke with an eloquent voice of the ordeal he must have undergone while the enforced guest of King Cetywayo. The aide-de-camp, having with him a flask and some biscuits, was enabled to somewhat revive the fugitive, who then informed them who he was, and how he had managed to escape from the king's thrall. As his information was considered highly important, Sir Garnet desired Mr. Vijn to narrate briefly his story out of hearing of the camp in order that any future operations or measures, consequent upon the information given, might not transpire to the outer world. The necessity for this precaution had been of late forced upon the General, who had had many of his plans and movements made known by those upon whose discretion while at headquarters he thought he could vouch for. Besides, since his arrival in Natal, Sir Garnet had achieved all his successes by striking without warning, and by carefully concealing the movements of troops, stores, &c., from all but those actually in command where the movement was to be made; and there was but little doubt that the Zulus, in the earlier portion of the war, obtained much of their information from the Dutch, at least from that section of the Boers who thought it their interest to see the English army unsuccessful, and who consequently made known to the enemy the British weak points.
Mr. Vijn's narrative, although very long, did not contain many details of general interest. He left Natal for trading purposes as far back as the 29th of October, 1878, and about the middle of January fell into the power of the king, who, however, does not seem to have treated him at all rigorously, but allowed him to remain at one of his brother's kraals under a sort of friendly supervision. During this detention Mr. Vijn appears to have kept a sort of journal, which has a certain value, as showing the opinions of the king, his brothers, and the Zulu people in regard to the war. As Mr. Vijn's information regarding the movements and whereabouts of the king was both authentic and valuable, and as he volunteered to return to Cetywayo and persuade him to surrender, Sir Garnet decided to avail himself of such offer. His presence near the camp was, however, kept entirely secret, and having been allowed to rest and refit, he was despatched on his return journey, pledging himself to return if possible by Tuesday evening with the king's answer. On the following Wednesday Mr. Vijn came back to the camp, and reported that his mission had been unsuccessful, as the king had left the kraals where Vijn had last seen him, and had fled away to the north towards the Ngome forest. As soon as this news was communicated to Sir Garnet, instructions were given to Major Barrow to take a troop of the King's Dragoon Guards, sixty mounted infantry, some colonial levies and natives, making in all a force of 220 whites and eighty natives, and to proceed into the territory of those chiefs who were still holding out, and where, it was supposed, the king had taken refuge. Major Marter, K.D.G., Captain Maurice, Lord Gifford, Captain Hardy, Captain Hay, and Mr. Herbert accompanied Major Barrow, and they merely took with them, to be in as light marching order as possible, three days' preserved rations—their commander wisely assuming that they would find no great difficulty in foraging as they went on. Half an hour after the order to parade was given they were all in the saddle and ready for the road. Sir Garnet, accompanied by Colonel Colley, minutely inspected men, horses, equipment, rations, and ammunition, and, after addressing a few private words of advice to the officers, bade them "God-speed."