A careful study of the field, indicates that somewhere between one-third and one-half of our Indians might be immediately merged into the body politic. As against this statement, the evidence is indisputable that the remaining two-thirds (or one-half) if made free, in the full sense that term implies, will be in the same condition as the Indians of California, Minnesota, and Oklahoma. If all of our Indians were made free, and permitted to progress as the Cherokees did, prior to their removal west of the Mississippi, and until about the year 1900 in the State of Oklahoma, the Secretary’s plan would succeed. But so long as the white people discriminate against Indian citizens, and the citizenship of the Indian is different from that enjoyed by ourselves, the setting free of all our Indians at this time will end in certain disaster.
Two Plans for Indian Administration Reform
On page [26] I have referred to the great and efficient machinery of the United States Indian Office. This tremendous institution is composed of many and complicated parts, and they run smoothly. Frequently certain parts are replaced. But is this great machine operated in the best interests of the Indian and of the public? The brain responsible for the guidance, or management of this plant, and the officers in charge of its various Departments desire to produce a finished product of real value to the world. How can they do so when they must needs change their operation often, not in the real interests of a finished product, but because of political expediency?
It seems to me there are two, and only two ways, by which we may solve satisfactorily the Indian problem. Granted that a proper man is secured to occupy the position of Commissioner of Indian Affairs, that man should remain in office ten or fifteen years. England seldom makes mistakes in her management of a dependent people. When a good man is found, he is continued in office until he understands his people thoroughly. With us the reverse is true. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs has no real advisory body with whom to consult, except the committees in Congress. Naturally, more or less politics creep into the Office through such arrangement. Thirty years ago the United States Board of Indian Commissioners consulted and advised with the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. There is no reason why such a sensible arrangement is not carried into effect today. If the Board stood between the Commissioner and the Congressional Committees, a Commissioner would not be forced to accept decisions which he believed were inimical to the best interests of the Indians. Assuming that the Commissioner was continued in office ten or fifteen years, and that the Board frequently met with him, unwise legislative acts would not be common—as at present.
While the first suggestion has its merits, it seems to me that the plan proposed in the Lake Mohonk platform October, 1913, presents the most practical solution of the Indian problem. One of the speakers advocated a paid National Commission to take the place of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and the Board of Indian Commissioners. In view of the fact that the welfare of 330,000 human beings and $1,200,000,000 worth of property are involved, he proposed the National Commission idea. This has caused considerable discussion. Some critics contended that nine were too many, that the Commission should be composed of seven. Others thought that five would be sufficient. Honorable Senator Joe Robinson of Arkansas, last winter, having heard of the Mohonk platform, introduced a bill appointing a Commission of three. Mr. Sells and Mr. Meritt were to be two of the Commissioners, and some one else would be selected as third member. This would not solve the problem, since such a commission would be political—although the members were all personally above criticism.
The Board of Indian Commissioners, serving in honorary capacity, cannot devote sufficient time for investigation of conditions on the reservations, and in Indian communities. Its members are all exceedingly busy men. They have given much time, in spite of their other callings, to the work, as I have indicated in previous pages.
The Commissioner himself, able though he be, in my humble opinion is beset by political considerations—which is no fault of his own.
A high Commission in charge of our Philippine affairs with the work differentiated, and responsibilities placed upon each Commissioner, has resulted in a development of the Islands which has attracted the attention of the world during the brief period since the Spanish War. A similar commission of men of recognized qualifications, is entirely practicable in Indian affairs.
The Mohonk recommendation is absolutely sound. The seven men would divide the work between them, one having charge of education, another of health, a third of citizenship, a fourth irrigation, a fifth finance—and so on through the list. Having assumed control, the office of Commissioner and that of the honorary Board would be abolished. The hearings of this Commission would be open, quarterly reports would be published, and its findings made public. Its first duty would be to compile a roll, based on ethnological lines, of the full-blood and mixed-blood Indians. All competent educated Indians could be immediately eliminated from Government supervision. They would thus become citizens and cease to be included in the Indian body. The property of every ignorant full-blood, minor child, or incompetent would be restricted for twenty-five years, thus enabling all Indians to have reached adult age.
