We owe it to the American Indian that the Commission idea be carried into effect. Politics would not interfere with the Commission, for the reason that its public hearings would be reported in the papers, the good citizens, as well as the undesirable class, would either attend the hearings or familiarize themselves with the quarterly reports. Thus a general steal would be impossible. A single Commissioner cannot make all of his business public, and much that he does never reaches the light of publicity. In fact, I believe that because the Commissioner cannot take the public into his confidence, abuses are bound to occur. Often it remains for the Indian Rights Association, or other organizations, to appeal to the public and do that which the Indian Office should establish without outside influence. There would be far less incentive to dishonesty, were covetous white men compelled to deal with a Commission instead of an individual. The publication of the Board’s hearings and findings would have a deterrent effect on certain men who otherwise appeal to Senators or Congressmen.

I have often contrasted the work of Dr. W. T. Grenfell in Labrador with that of organizations laboring among our Indians. We are not responsible for the condition of the fishermen in Labrador, and they are numerically but a fraction as compared with our total Indian population. Yet Dr. Grenfell, through his lectures and publications has aroused such an interest in this country that he can collect for his Labrador work a sum far greater than that expended in support of six Indian missions. People are interested in him and his work because of the appeal he makes. The Labrador fishermen suffer no wrongs compared with our Indians, and their condition is far better than that of the average aborigine. Similar publicity given to Indian affairs through the reports and hearings of a National Commission, would arouse the American people, and a brighter day for the Indian would certainly dawn.

No matter what is said, the Commissioner must fight alone and single-handed with the members of Congress. His is a great responsibility. Both Mr. Leupp and Mr. Valentine, in conversations with me, have admitted that the chief difficulty in handling the Indian problem is found in the word “politics”. The Commissioner is dependent on Congress for his appropriations. He may be sustained or opposed by members of Congress, and the public will remain in ignorance. He may not appeal save to the Secretary of the Interior. He must keep in mind the wishes of his political party. He will not admit political pressure when in office, but after leaving the Service, he may tell his story of trouble with politicians, as Mr. Leupp has in his book. Mr. Valentine could enlighten us further on “The Indian Office in Politics”, did he care to speak. A paid National Commission would be dominated by no political party. Ten years’ service would enable it to become entirely familiar with the needs of the Indians, whereas the average Commissioner, serving less than three years, barely becomes acquainted with the problem when he is succeeded by a new appointee.

I recommend to the earnest consideration of the American people the Commission idea, as the only means of salvation of the American Indian. It will be said by critics that many of the tribes are making satisfactory progress and need no Commission; that the present organization of the Indian Office is sufficient. This is partly true, but a study of the table of statistics, and reference to the testimony submitted in this book, establishes the sad fact, that the majority of the Indians must lose unless we make a radical change in our policy. It is useless to blind our eyes to hard facts; and these are that we develop a certain area after painstaking labor, and then through unwise acts (or legislation) we destroy the very tracts we have improved.

The Indian must ultimately be merged into the body politic, as has been affirmed. But in bringing about this desideratum, it is not necessary to crush all happiness out of his life. For fifty years the Indian has followed a devious and uncertain trail, in the fond hope that he might reach his journey’s end. If men and women, who through unintentional ignorance have given no heed to the welfare of our red Americans, will interest their Representatives in Congress, and also help to crystallize public opinion against further harmful legislation, it is quite possible that the National Commission plan may be carried into effect. After many years of study of the subject, I firmly believe that the welfare of the Indian depends upon the creation of such a Commission as has been indicated—one composed not of those interested in political parties, but on the contrary of competent men who understand Indians and their needs, of men who are willing to devote the best years of their lives to transforming the rough, uncertain trail along which the Indian has toiled, into a broad highway, upon which the Red Man may safely travel to his ultimate destination—the civilized community. And having reached the end of his journey, the Indian will live henceforth peacefully, and enjoy to the full the blessings of liberty, equality and justice.

INDEX

[1]. A bibliography of these will be found in “The Stone Age in North America.” Vol. II, pages 408–410.

[2]. We are Americans by adoption. The real American race is the Indian.