THE DUTY OF CITIZENSHIP[62]

At the outset of our deliberations, Republican delegates, it may be interesting to recall the circumstances of two prior national campaigns in which political symptoms and dissensions were quite analogous to those existing to-day. When the Republican state convention met in 1880, and again in 1896, the outlook for the success of the Republican party had for a time been discouraging. In each of these campaigns there were many who feared that the party had been disrupted and that its usefulness might be coming to an end. In each campaign a wave of false doctrine, sentimentality and prejudice threatened to drown reason amid the prevailing excitement, clamor and declamation. But in each courage and soberness came before November, and the common sense, honesty, sanity and patriotism of the American people supported the sound principles and policies of national and constitutional government for which the Republican party stands.

During the first three months of the political campaign of 1880, it seemed as though the Democratic candidate would be elected. The nomination of General Hancock had been received with great demonstrations of enthusiasm. He was personally attractive and popular, and at the outset little attention was paid to the fact that the platform of his party was radical and had declared in favor of "a tariff for revenue only" with the consequent abandonment of the protective system. The Republicans were not united; in some states they were hopelessly divided. The defection was certain to be large. In many Republican states the Greenback party, with its financial and social heresies, had increased enormously in strength, and it had nominated a national ticket. Maine had been carried in September by a combination of Greenbackers and Democrats. In November the Republican party was to lose New Jersey, California and Nevada, and, for the first time since the Civil War, it would fail to receive any electoral votes from the states south of Mason and Dixon's line. Yet Garfield was elected by 214 electoral votes against 155 for Hancock. New York, which had gone Democratic in 1876 with a plurality of 32,700, went Republican in 1880 with a plurality of 21,000. Thus we see that, although there was then schism and dissension in the Republican ranks, and although the party lost Maine in September and New Jersey, California and Nevada in November, as well as every southern state, its candidates nevertheless were elected.

A consideration of the circumstances of the campaign of 1896 will prove even more instructive and encouraging. The Republican party was then divided and threatened with ruin by defections. The leaders in the national convention at St. Louis had courageously refused to bend to the demands and threats of a numerous minority, who were urging a radical platform and a radical candidate. A large number of Republicans had bolted, and they were loudly proclaiming that they alone represented the true and overwhelming sentiment of the party. According to them all else was fraudulent, and all who did not agree with them were accused of having been corrupted by the moneyed interests. It was evident that this faction had set out to rule or ruin their party, and, having failed to coerce it, were determined to overthrow it. They organized a new party, which they called the National Silver party; they assembled in convention at St. Louis amid excitement and posing and virtuous homilies about reformation and social uplift quite similar to those which we have heard during the past summer; they prophesied the death of the Republican party for its alleged betrayal of the people, and they proceeded to endorse the candidacy and views of Mr. Bryan. The Populist party, likewise largely composed of dissatisfied and discontented Republicans, held its national convention at St. Louis, went through similar political performances and emotional displays, and endorsed the Democratic candidate.

It would be difficult to exaggerate the enthusiasm in 1896 for Mr. Bryan. I comment upon it now in order that comparisons may be made and the lesson appreciated. Wherever he moved, immense and excited throngs pressed about him and wildly cheered his utterances. Much of the character of the present campaign was then in evidence. Bryan preached a social reformation and a crusade against established institutions, constitutional government and the supremacy of the law. He played upon envy, discontent and cupidity. He attracted to his standard the remnants of Coxey's "army," which two years before had marched to Washington, calling itself the "Army of the Commonweal of Christ." In our country such movements frequently mask in the robes of religion. Bryan denounced the President then in office. He assailed our judicial system, including the Supreme Court of the United States. He posed as a knight-errant and crusader who sought to uplift the poor and redress the wrongs of the nation. He repeated all the exploded claptrap of demagogues. And his eloquence, together with his apparent sincerity, made him a most dangerous candidate, far more dangerous than are our opponents of to-day.

The combination of Democrats and former Republicans in 1896 was more formidable than if their vote had been divided and the discontented Republicans, Populists and Silverites had nominated a separate ticket. It would have been easier to defeat a divided enemy. Plurality and not majority in each state determines the choice of presidential electors, although a majority of the electors is necessary to elect a President. The situation was very critical because the times were hard, many good reasons for discontent existed, thousands of workmen in every state were unemployed, and agitators and demagogues found ready response to their appeals in the hearts of men who were suffering from hunger.

Yet, even under such conditions, the defense of constitutional government and established institutions was safe in the hands of the thoughtful, sober and patriotic people of the country. A complete revulsion of public feeling took place before November. The Democratic party, which four years before had carried the nation with a plurality of 381,000 and the state of New York with a plurality of 45,500, was defeated by the Republican candidate with a plurality of nearly 604,000 in the nation and over 268,000 in the state. McKinley received 271 electoral votes against 176 for Bryan. That great success was secured in the face of the fact that ten western states which are normally Republican went Democratic; in other words, the Republican candidates were triumphantly elected in 1896 although Colorado, Kansas, Idaho, Montana, Nebraska, Nevada, South Dakota, Utah, Washington and Wyoming all cast their electoral votes for Mr. Bryan.

The task of the Republican party in these prior campaigns was to bring home to the people the vital importance to them of the issues of those campaigns. Similarly our task in this campaign is to convince the voters of the country that they are again called upon to preserve the industrial system upon which the wages, income and property of millions of American citizens are based, as well as to defend the constitutional representative government under which for more than a century we have maintained political, religious and individual liberty and have prospered beyond all nations.

At the beginning of this campaign and until recently many Republicans were disheartened. The menace to our institutions and future in the possible success of the Progressive party and the re-election of ex-President Roosevelt seemed as portentous as was the menace of Bryanism in 1896, in 1900 and in 1908. To some, therefore, it seemed at first as if it might be their patriotic duty to vote the Democratic ticket. Patriotism is ever more than party. But these Republicans now realize the folly of that course and the certainty that the Republican party will maintain its solidarity. We see clearly that the candidacy of Mr. Roosevelt is doomed to defeat, and that only a desire to work injury to the Republican party continues the campaign of the so-called Progressives.