Although, Gentlemen of the British Commission, the deep sympathy of the great majority of Americans is naturally with the Allies in the present war, we want you to return to England appreciating why we must loyally support the neutrality which the President of the United States has proclaimed. The policy of this country in regard to European wars was fixed in 1793. One of the most important and enduring of the many services that President Washington rendered to the United States was when he stood firm as a rock against the abuse and clamor of that day in upholding and enforcing neutrality in favor of England as against the demands of her then enemies. We have consistently adhered to that principle for more than one hundred and twenty years. It has been our fixed and constant policy, not a football of politics, or of newspaper propaganda, or of temporary emotion or expediency, but the sober judgment and conscience of the nation. The essence of this policy is that it is the duty of our government, not only to the present but to future generations, to avoid being drawn into European wars unless our honor or our vital interests become involved. During more than a century we have invited the inhabitants of every nation of Europe to come here and become a part of our country, and we have impliedly assured them of our adherence to this traditional policy of neutrality. If, now, we also should draw the sword, out of heartfelt sympathy and friendship for the Allies, or in indignation at the outrage of the violation of Belgium, we might become hereafter constantly involved in European conflicts in which we should have no other than a humanitarian interest, and as a result find the devoted friends and relatives of to-day the inflamed and bitter enemies of to-morrow.

My Lord and Gentlemen of the British Commission, we want you to return to England realizing how difficult and complex is the task of our President. Under our system of government, he alone can speak for the nation and commit us in our foreign relations, upon him alone is imposed the awful burden of responsibility and duty, and patriotism commands us as Americans loyally to support him, whatever may be our individual opinions or sentiments as to particular measures or grave omissions. We want you to return profoundly convinced that in standing by our policy of neutrality, we are not indifferent, or callous, or pusillanimous, or mercenary; and that our President is striving on our behalf to do what is right as God gives him to see the right, not only by the Americans now living but by those future generations for whom we are the trustees. Above all, we want you to return to England firmly believing that we unqualifiedly approve and extol the noble and heroic action of England in drawing her sword in defense of Belgium, and that our heartfelt sympathy and good wishes are with you and your heroic sailors and soldiers at the front.

Gentlemen, I ask you to rise and lift your glasses high and drain them in honor of the distinguished representatives of England. I have the pleasure of presenting to you the Right Honourable Lord Reading, the Lord Chief Justice of England.

FOOTNOTES:

[70] Remarks as presiding officer at a luncheon given in honor of the members of the Anglo-French Credit and Finance Commission, at the Hotel Knickerbocker, New York, October 1, 1915.

[71] France in the American Revolution, p. 498; see also the introduction by Ambassador Jusserand, p. xv. The accuracy of these figures has not been independently verified. An examination of the late Mr. Perkins' papers does not disclose the source of his statement. The French archives show a direct expenditure of 1,507,500,000 livres, but these figures do not include payments made in and after the year 1783. Professor Marion of the Collège de France is of opinion that the total expenditure probably reached 2,000,000,000 livres. Marion, Histoire Financière de la France, 1715-1789, vol. I, p. 303, Paris, 1914; see also Gomel, Les Causes Financières de la Révolution Française, vol. II, p. 36, Paris, 1893. Fiske, in his Critical Period, p. 35, states the expenditure to have been 1,400,000,000 francs.

[72] M. Homberg replied in French, and Mr. Guthrie then continued as above.


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