[235] Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 13.—Bernal Diaz Hist. de la Conquista, ubi supra.
[236] Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 150.—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 15.—Herrera gives the following inscription, cut on the bark of a tree by some of these unfortunate Spaniards: “By this road passed Juan Juste and his wretched companions, who were so much pinched by hunger that they were obliged to give a solid bar of gold, weighing eight hundred ducats, for a few cakes of maize bread.” Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 13.
[237] One is reminded of the similar remonstrance made by Alexander’s soldiers to him on reaching the Hystaspis,—but attended with more success; as, indeed, was reasonable. For Alexander continued to advance from the ambition of indefinite conquest; while Cortés was only bent on carrying out his original enterprise. What was madness in the one was heroism in the other.
[238] “Acordándome, que siempre á los osados ayuda la fortuna, y que eramos Christianos y confiando en la grandíssima Bondad, y Misericordia de Dios, que no permitiria, que del todo pereciessemos, y se perdiesse tanta, y tan noble Tierra.” Rel. Seg., ap. Lorenzana, p. 152.
[239] This reply, exclaims Oviedo, showed a man of unconquerable spirit and high destinies: “Paréceme que la respuesta que á esto les dió Hernando Cortés, é lo que hizo en ello, fué vna cosa de ánimo invencible, é de varon de mucha suerte é valor.” Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 15.
[240] “E no me hable ninguno en otra cosa; y él que desta opinion no estubiere váyase en buen hora, que mas holgaré de quedar con los pocos y osados, que en compañía de muchos, ni de ninguno cobarde, ni desacordado de su propia honra.” Hist. de las Ind., MS., loc. cit.
[241] Oviedo has expanded the harangue of Cortés into several pages, in the course of which the orator quotes Xenophon, and borrows largely from the old Jewish history, a style of eloquence savoring much more of the closet than the camp. Cortés was no pedant, and his soldiers were no scholars.
[242] For the account of this turbulent transaction, see Bernal Diaz, Hist. de la Conquista, cap. 129,—Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 152,—Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 15,—Gomara, Crónica, cap. 112, 113,—Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 14.—Diaz is exceedingly wroth with the chaplain Gomara for not discriminating between the old soldiers and the levies of Narvaez, whom he involves equally in the sin of rebellion. The captain’s own version seems a fair one, and I have followed it, therefore, in the text.
[243] Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 15.—Herrera, Hist. general, dec. 2, lib. 10, cap. 14.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 29.
[244] Oviedo, Hist. de las Ind., MS., lib. 33, cap. 47.—Rel. Seg. de Cortés, ap. Lorenzana, p. 166.—Sahagun, Hist. de Nueva-España, MS., lib. 12, cap. 27, 29.—Or, rather, it was “at the instigation of the great Devil, the captain of all the devils, called Satan, who regulated every thing in New Spain by his free will and pleasure, before the coming of the Spaniards,” according to Father Sahagun, who begins his chapter with this eloquent exordium.