THE BATTLE OF WAVRE AND GROUCHY’S RETREAT
CHAPTER I
BRIEF DISCUSSION OF THE EARLIER OPERATIONS—UP TO LIGNY
The Allied troops in the Netherlands had begun to concentrate as early as the 15th of March. They were cantoned from Trèves and Coblentz to Courtrai. But their commanders were away in Vienna—both Wellington and Blucher. The largest number that could be concentrated to meet a sudden attack on Belgium in April was 80,000 men. Of these, 23,000 were Anglo-Hanoverian troops, 30,000 were Prussians, 14,000 were Saxons, and the remainder Dutch-Belgians. The spirit of discipline was almost wholly wanting among the Saxons and Dutch-Belgians; the greater part of them had, at one time or another, served Napoleon, and were not to be trusted. Kleist, commanding the Prussians on the Rhine, had arranged with the Prince of Orange, who commanded the troops in the Netherlands, that, in the event of a French attack, they would retire together on Tirlemont; thus leaving Brussels exposed, and giving the enemy a firm footing in Belgium.
By the 1st of April, Napoleon could have mustered a force of 50,000 men on the frontier near Charleroi. He could have marched direct on Brussels (as the Prince of Orange and Kleist had agreed to fall back). With Brussels in his hands, he could have turned and repeated his favourite strategy by falling upon the allied armies in turn. Wellington was dreading such an attack.
But the project, although it may have entered Napoleon’s thoughts, was never seriously contemplated by him. His army, although rapidly being raised, organised, and equipped in hundreds of thousands of men, was not yet in a condition to enter upon a prolonged campaign. He might gain a slight temporary success with these 50,000 men; he might be reinforced by another 100,000 in the North; but, meantime, how should he check the other great invading armies of the Allies? For their preparations were forging ahead. Barclay de Tolly was marching with 167,000 Russians in three columns through Germany. Marshal Schwarzenberg, commanding an Austrian army of 50,000 men, and the Archduke Ferdinand, at the head of 40,000 men, were hastening to reach the Rhine. One hundred and twenty thousand men were being collected in Lombardy, after Murat’s decisive overthrow. Prince Wrede, commanding a Bavarian army 80,000 strong, was assembling his forces behind the Upper Rhine. Truly a formidable array!
To strike a premature blow at Belgium with 50,000 men did not therefore commend itself to Napoleon as a possible opening. By waiting, he not only increased his army and reserve forces; he made it appear that the war was being forced upon him by the threatened invasion of France. His apparent reluctance to open hostilities would be a great point in his favour. Then, again, the plans of the Allies would unfold themselves presently, and he could strike at will.
While the Allies were planning and re-planning, discussing and arguing their plans of campaign, their brilliant adversary was growing daily stronger. But the position was an intricate one. A too-hasty invasion of France with ill-concentrated forces would have brought about a repetition of the 1814 campaign outside Paris. There were to be no half-measures with Napoleon this time.
Many plans were put forward by the Allied generals; and after lengthy discussion, it was finally decided to adopt a modified scheme proposed by Schwarzenberg, which was to come into operation towards the end of July. This plan provided for the simultaneous invasion of France by six armies. Wellington, with 92,000 British, Dutch-Belgians, Hanoverians, Nassauers and Brunswickers, was to cross the frontier between Beaumont and Maubeuge; Blucher, with 116,000 Prussians, between Beaumont and Givet; Barclay de Tolly, with 150,000 Russians, viâ Saarlouis and Saarbruck; and Schwarzenberg, with 205,000 men—Austrians, Wurtembergers and Bavarians—by Basle; Frimont, with 50,000 Austrians and Piedmontese, was to advance on Lyons from Lombardy, while Bianchi, at the head of 25,000 Austrians, was to make for Provence. The first four armies were to converge on Paris, by Peronne, Laon, Nancy and Langres respectively; and the two last were to create a diversion in the South and support the Royalists.
This was the final plan of the Allies; but long before the date fixed for the first moves, Napoleon was fully acquainted with their designs. Newspaper reports and secret letters had kept him informed throughout the preparations. He tells us that he worked out two alternative plans of campaign. His first idea was to concentrate a force of 200,000 men outside Paris, and await the approach of the Allied armies. He proposed to gather the First, Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Corps, the Imperial Guard, and Grouchy’s Cavalry Reserve, round the Capital, which would be garrisoned by 80,000 regular troops, mobilised guards and sharpshooters, strongly entrenched and governed by Davoût: and to concentrate round Lyons Suchet’s army of the Alps, 23,000 men, and Lecourbe’s Corps of the Jura, 8,000 men. All the great fortresses were strongly garrisoned; and Napoleon intended to let the Allies advance until they were surrounded with these powerful garrisons and faced by himself with 200,000 men. The date fixed by the Allies for the crossing of the frontier was 1st July. It would take them three weeks to draw near Paris. By that time the entrenchments round the Capital would be completed. But the Allies, operating on six different lines, would be obliged to detach large forces to watch Suchet and Lecourbe, and to mask the great strongholds in their way. When they had approached Paris, their great armies would have been thus reduced to 400,000 men, far from their bases, and faced by the greatest soldier of modern time. The campaign of 1814 would be repeated, but Napoleon would have 200,000 men at his back, and a powerful entrenched camp at Paris. Thus the Allies would in all probability be crushed in detail; whether they would recover and overwhelm Napoleon by sheer weight of numbers seemed doubtful.