“There is this difference, however, that the monopolistic octopus now threatening Idaho is entrenched behind an unfortunate system which recognizes the independence of states and the obnoxious doctrine of state rights, while the Mormons, being in a territory which was directly within the jurisdiction of congress, were struck down by the sentiment of the entire Union made effective by national legislation. But as our people found means to rend the veil of this obnoxious doctrine, to strike down slavery in the South, so it will find a way to rend it again and strike down such institutions as this so-called Co-operative Commonwealth or Co-opolitan Association.”
I threw the paper down upon the floor with an expression and feeling of indignation. I knew that our movement had attracted wide attention, but never before had I seen any indication of hostility. The newspaper press of the United States had generally treated the undertaking as an experiment which would teach a useful lesson if successful, but waved it aside as purely idealistic and not likely to succeed. Now one of the most conservative and reputable metropolitan dailies in the country, ignoring all its former expressions of approval, had deliberately reversed itself, suppressed facts, falsified the truth, and, on the eve of the success of the co-operative programme in Idaho, had begun a campaign for its destruction. So entirely consumed was I, for the moment, by my own passion that I did not notice the entrance of President Thompson and was somewhat startled when he saluted me.
“Brother Braden,” said he, “you seem to be disturbed about something.”
“Yes,” I replied. “Look at that article from the Boston Transcript and see whether I, and we, have not cause to be troubled.”
“I have seen it,” calmly rejoined he. “But,” he continued, “I am not surprised. Having read extensively and seen much I have learned that men are quite likely to view with complacency, and sometimes approval, the development of an idea, but the moment that idea becomes formidable they attack it. I expect, in fact, that we will win the coming election in this state, but when we call our constitutional convention I am by no means certain that we will get the majority of delegates.”
“Indeed,” said I, “I have never heard you talk so doubtfully before.”
“I know it, Braden,” replied Thompson. “The occasion has never before arisen. You will find, however, that the battle for the Co-operative Commonwealth has just begun. I have come over to see you now about the convention. Our friends are asking me to be the candidate for governor. I have not been inclined to accept, but I would be glad if you will give me your opinion as to whether I ought to do so.”
“You must do so,” I exclaimed. “I have not expected anything else. I know that you consider your position as President of the Co-operative Commonwealth an objection to your assuming other duties. It is not. You should retain both positions. Why, sir, I expect that when the new constitution is framed it will provide for a President whose term of office will be commensurate with the term of our President and that the officers of one will be the officers of the other. I expect that this dual character will continue to exist until every trace of property individualism has disappeared and that then, instead of the Co-operative Commonwealth being Idaho, Idaho will be the Co-operative Commonwealth.”
It was evident that the view so expressed made an impression on Thompson. We talked it over for nearly an hour and when the time arrived for the convention to meet it was practically decided that, if the convention should so desire, Thompson would accept the nomination for governor.