CHAPTER IX. FOOTNOTES.

[508.] De Bello Gallico, lib. vi. c. 21 and 22. 'Neque quisquam agri modum certum aut fines habet proprios, sed magistratus ac principes in annos singulos gentibus cognationibusque hominum, qui una coierunt, quantum eis et quo loco visum est agri attribuunt, atque anno post alio transire cogunt.'

[509.] Id. lib. vi. c. 22.

[510.] De Bello Gallico, lib. i. c. 51.

[511.] Id. lib. iv. c. 1. 'Sed privati ac separati agri apud eos nihil est, neque longius anno remanere uno in loco incolendi causa licet.'

[512.] Id. lib. i. c. 36.

[513.] Id. lib. i. c. 51.

[514.] 'Colunt discreti ac diversi, ut fons, ut campus, ut nemus placuit.'—Germania, xvi.

[515.] 'Vicos locant non in nostrum morem, connexis et cohærentibus ædificiis: suam quisque domum spatio circumdat, sive adversus casus ignis remedium, sive inscitia ædificandi.'—Germania, xvi.

[516.] 'Ceteris servis non in nostrum morem descriptis per familiam ministeriis utuntur. Suam quisque sedem, suos penates regit. Frumenti modum dominus aut pecoris aut vestis ut colono injungit, et servus hactenus paret: cetera domus officia uxor ac liberi exsequuntur.'—Germania, xxv.

[517.] Id. xiv. and xv.

[518.] Germania, xx.

[519.] Germania, xvi.

[520.] The Bamberg Codex has 'ab universis vicis,' and this is followed by Waitz (Verfassungsgeschichte, Kiel, 1880, i. 145). The Leyden Codex has 'in vicem.' Others 'per vices,' which earlier critics considered to be an error for 'per vicos.' See Wietersheim's Geschichte der Völkerwanderung, with Dahn's notes, i. p. 43. Leipzig, 1880.

[521.] Germania, xxvi.

[522.] Id. xii.

[523.] The Welsh 'trev' and German 'dorf' probably are from the same root.

[524.] '"Ager" dictus qui a divisoribus agrorum relictus est ad pascendum communiter vicinis.' Isodorus, De Agris. Lachmann and Rudorff, i. p. 369.

[525.] Germania, xxviii. and xxix.

[526.] These tribes are mentioned by Cæsar as forming part of the army of Ariovistus. De Bello Gallico, lib. i. c. 51.

[527.] Germania, xxx.–xxxvii.

[528.] Germania, xxxviii.–xlv.

[529.] He regarded the 'Agri Decumates' as 'hardly in Germany.'

[530.] This result did not follow in Wales, because in Welsh local names suffixes are not usual.

[531.] Gavelkind may be derived from gabel, a fork or branch, and the word is used in Ireland as well as in Kent. Irish gabal, gabal-cined (Gavelkind). Manners, &c. of the Ancient Irish. O'Curry, iii. p. 581.

[532.] Origins of English History, pp. 188–9.

[533.] Origins of English History, pp. 197–98.

[534.] Arnold's Ansiedelungen, p. 89.

[535.] Palacky's Geschichte von Böhmen, Buch ii. c. 6, p. 169.

[536.] 'Ing' also meant a low meadow by a river bank, as 'Clifton Ings,' near York, &c. Also it was sometimes used like 'ers,', as 'Ochringen,' dwellers on the river 'Ohra.' In Denmark the individual strip in a meadow was an 'ing,' and so the whole meadow would be 'the ings.'

[537.] See Anglo-Saxon Chronicle sub anno 522. 'Cordic was Elesing, Elesa was Esling, Esla was Gewising,' and so on. See also Bede's statement that the Kentish kings were called Oiscings, after their ancestor Oisc. Bede, bk. ii. c. 5.

[538.] Palacky, pp. 168–9. Compare the word with the Welsh tyddyn, and the Irish tate or tath.

[539.] See Meitzen's Ausbreitung der Deutschen, p. 17. Jena, 1879.

[540.] See Taylor's Words and Places, p. 131.

[541.] It is curious to observe that, taking all the names in the Cartulary (including many of later date), only 2 per cent. end in ing or inga, 6 per cent. in inghem or ingahem: making 8 per cent. in all.

[542.] Taylor's Words and Places, pp. 496 et seq.

[543.] Out of 119 places named in the charters of the Abbey of Frisinga earlier in date than A.D. 800, 24 per cent. ended in inge, and only 1 per cent. in heim.—Meichelbeck, passim.

[544.] In the St. Gall charters, out of 1,920 names, 9 per cent. end in inga, 312 per cent. in inchova. The most common other terminations are either wilare or wanga; only 2 per cent. end in heim.

[545.] Arnold's Ansiedelungen und Wanderungen deutscher Stämme. Marburg, 1881. See pp. 153 et seq. He considers that the Alamanni were a group of German peoples who had settled in the Rhine valley and the Agri Decumates, including among them the Juthungi, who had crossed over from the north of the limes late in the third century.

[546.] In the Erklärung der Peutinger Tafel, by E. Paulus, Stuttgart, 1866, there is a careful attempt to identify the stations on the Roman roads from Brigantia to Vindonissa, and from Vindonissa to Regino. The stations on the latter, which passed through the district abounding in 'ings,' are thus identified; the distances between them, except in one case (where there is a difference of 2 leugen), answering to those marked in the Table (see p. 35):—

Vindonissa (Windisch), Tenedone (Heidenschlöschen), Juliomago (Hüfingen), Brigobanne (Rottweil), Aris flavis (Unter-Iflingen), Samulocennis (Rottenberg), Grinario (Sindelfingen), Clarenna (Carlsstatt), Ad lunam (Pfahlbronn), Aquileia (Aalen) [up to which point there is a remarkable change of names throughout, but from which point the similarity of names becomes striking], Opie (Bopfingen), Septemiaci (Maihingen), Losodica (Oettingen), Medianis (Markhof), Iciniaco (Itzing), Biricianis (Burkmarshofen), Vetonianis (Nassenfels), Germanico (Kösching), Celeuso (Ettling), Abusena (Abensberg), Regino (Regensburg). But these names in ing and ingen, and Latin iaci, do not seem to be patronymic. So also in the case of the Roman 'Vicus Aurelii' on the Ohra river, now 'Oehringen.' Is it not possible that many other supposed patronymics may simply mean such and such or So-and-so's 'ings' or meadows?

[547.] The occasional instances in which the patronymic termination is added to the name of a tree or an animal, has led to the hasty conclusion that the Saxons were 'totemists,' and believed themselves descended from trees and animals; e.g. that the Buckings of Bucks thought themselves descendants of the beech tree. The fact that personal names were taken from trees and animals—that one person called himself 'the Beech,' another 'the Wolf'—quite disposes of this argument, for their households would call themselves 'Beechings' and 'Wolfings' in quite a natural course, without any dream of descent from the tree or the animal whose name their father or great-grandfather had borne.

[548.] The resemblance is equally apparent whether the comparison be made between names without further suffix or whether those with it are included. See the long list of patronymic names in England, Germany, and France in Taylor's Words and Places, App. B, pp. 496–513.

[549.] Taylor's Words and Places, pp. 131–4, and App. B, p. 491.

[550.] See the lists given in Taylor's Words and Places, Appendix B, pp. 496 et seq. Taylor says that there are 1,100 of the patronymic names in France, of which 250 are similar to those in England. See pp. 144 et seq.

[551.] Taken from Traditiones Fuldensis, Dronke, pp. 240–243. The above list includes all the names in Frisia with a patronymic and no other suffix.

[552.] Taken from the Wirtembergische Urkundenbuch.

[553.] Chartularium Sithiense, p. 18.

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CHAPTER X. THE CONNEXION BETWEEN THE OPEN-FIELD SYSTEM AND SERFDOM OF ENGLAND AND OF THE ROMAN PROVINCES OF GERMANY AND GAUL.