Wednesday, March 28.
Relations with France.
The House again resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, when the amendment to the first of Mr. Sprigg's propositions, as to the inexpediency, under existing circumstances, of resorting to war against the French Republic, being under consideration; which amendment is to strike out the words "French Republic,"
Mr. Pinckney rose and said, he was in favor of the amendment, because it tended to make what he thought an improper proposition, in some degree, nugatory; for he believed to agree to the resolution without it, would be prejudicial to the interest and welfare of the country, as he did not think the period had arrived which called for a decision on measures of war or peace. If such a declaration had been necessary, he should have expected it to come from gentlemen in favor of a war, declaring, that it is expedient to go to war, as it was a very uncommon thing to declare we will not do a thing. His strongest reason against coming to this resolution, however, was, that at this period the House had not sufficient information concerning the whole of this business, to enable them to form a correct judgment upon it. The President told the House, indeed, that he had little hope of a favorable termination of the negotiation, but they knew nothing of the train of the negotiation, or of the circumstances attending it. They knew that our Commissioners had not been received; but they had not sufficient information as to the manner in which they had been treated, to enable them to come to the decision proposed.
The gentleman who proposed the resolution, said it was time to come forward and declare whether we will have peace or war. Would to God, said Mr. P., it was in our power, by any such declaration, to avert war, or maintain peace; but he believed this did not depend upon any declaration of ours. In questions of war there were always two parties, one of whom was generally the aggressor, and the other generally passive. In the present case, he considered this country as the passive party, and, therefore, any declaration on our part would have little effect. We know that individuals or nations induced to pursue measures from interest or passion, are not easily diverted from their purpose. If the French are actuated by either of these motives, no declaration of ours will prevent the calamity. Such a proposition would rather accelerate than prevent the evil. If our declarations could have availed, they have not been wanting. From the first period of a misunderstanding between the two countries, declarations have been made deprecating war in general terms, but particularly with that nation. A Minister Plenipotentiary had been sent to explain the views of this Government, and to remove any jealousies which might exist, and to make such specific propositions as were thought necessary; but our Minister was rejected without a hearing. The next measure was, to send special Commissioners, in order to settle our differences and avert the calamity of war. We have, therefore, made sufficient declarations of our pacific intentions. Indeed, he thought too much had been rested on these declarations, as nothing had been done for our defence. When we looked at our seaports, and saw their defenceless condition, he thought it evident sufficient attention had not been paid to them, knowing that war might, at least, be a possible event.
This resolution differed exceedingly from any thing which took place when we had a misunderstanding with England in 1794. At that time, when England issued her extraordinary Order of the 4th of November, and our commerce was depredated upon, measures were spoken of for countervailing the injuries which our citizens experienced, but no proposition like the present was produced. We are now aggrieved and injured in a most extraordinary manner, but we say we will not go to war. On a former occasion he had heard of a variety of restrictive regulations, proposed with a view of restraining the injuries committed upon us, and to bring Great Britain to reason; and he did expect something similar would have been proposed on the present occasion, but nothing of the kind had appeared. It was true we had not so great hold of the French nation as of the British, in this respect, but we had some; and he believed measures might be taken which would induce the nation to hear reason. But, instead of this, it was proposed that we should say, we have been injured and aggrieved; but we will not oppose you, we will not go to war with you.
The gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Gallatin) had gone further than perhaps the resolution on the table would warrant. He says, the adoption of this resolution will go to prevent the taking of any measures which may, in their tendency, lead to war. If gentlemen meant by this, that it was to prevent any measures being taken for the protection of our commerce, the adoption of the resolution would not only declare that we will not go to war, but that we will not take any measures for the defence of our property. It appeared to him that that gentleman had himself given the best reasons for modifying this resolution, so as to make it as little mischievous as possible. For he had told the committee that France had set at naught her treaty with us; but though they have done this, said Mr. P., they have endeavored to justify their depredations, by insisting that, according to that treaty, it was necessary for vessels to carry a rôle d'equipage. Mr. P. added, there was another Order of the French Government which was so contrary to right, so cruel in its consequences, so degrading to this country, and so inhuman in its tendency, that he could not avoid noticing it. It was the decree which declares that every American citizen found on board the privateer of an enemy, shall be considered and treated as a pirate. They pretended to found this Order on our treaty with Great Britain; but he wished gentlemen who thought it justifiable, to turn to that treaty, and see whether there was any thing there which countenanced so violent a measure. But this is not all, the gentleman from Pennsylvania allowed that a decree had lately been passed which violates all the laws of neutral nations, viz; that if the property, manufactures, or produce, of an enemy be found on board a neutral vessel, it shall be good prize. Our Ministers, also, who were commissioned to conciliate, and even to make concessions, though they had been in Paris three months, cap in hand, had not been able to get a hearing. Under all these grievances, what, said he, are we called upon to do? He should not have been surprised if some one, fired with the injuries we have received, had brought forward a proposition for war. But, instead of this, smarting as we are under injuries, our commerce bleeding at every pore, and our country deeply humiliated, we are called upon to say: You have done every thing to injure, insult, and degrade us, but we have deserved it: we will do nothing to oppose you. Though God and nature have given us power, we will not go to war with you, neither on the present occasion, nor on any other, whatever injury you may commit upon us.
However humiliating our conduct might be, he repeated, it would have no effect upon that nation. He did not wish to animadvert upon the conduct of any country; but there was one instance of the treatment which the French Republic has exhibited to an independent State, which he could not help noticing. It was in respect to Venice, which would show, that no humiliation, no concession, would avert the calamity which threatens us, if the rulers of the country are determined upon war. If he was not misinformed, the circumstances of the case were as follows: The Venetians were at peace, and endeavoring to pursue a line of neutrality. A tumult arose in one of their towns, and the populace did, in a barbarous and most unjustifiable manner, massacre a number of French soldiers. This was an injury which called for and deserved atonement. A retaliation took place fully commensurate with the crime. The Venetians made every concession in their power. But the French commander was not satisfied; he took vengeance upon them by overturning their Government—a Government which had stood the test of five hundred years. He should have supposed that the French would now have been satisfied; but the matter did not stop here. The Government being overturned, the people were promised a free Government, and an amelioration of their condition. They were proceeding in the establishment of a Government; but, when the treaty came to be made between the French Republic and the Emperor, he supposed it was thought to be for the interest of that Republic to sacrifice a part of this territory, and to give it up to the Emperor, to take a part to themselves, and to annex another part to the Cisalpine Republic. This was done; and he believed the very part which had committed the offence against the French Government, had been rewarded by being joined to a free Government.
This division of the Venetian territory was not the work of a young officer, elated by victory and conquest, or enraged by the treatment which his soldiers had received. The French Directory had come forward, and, by their decree, had applauded the whole conduct of their General in the most unqualified terms, particularly as to Venice and Genoa. He would not take up the time of the committee by citing the conduct of the French towards the latter Republic. The case of Venice was sufficient to show how little was to be expected from a humiliating conduct.
Mr. Giles thought the gentleman who had just sat down had been less correct in his statements than he usually was. He would allude particularly to one instance. That gentleman says, whatever aggressions and insults may be heaped upon us, the supporters of the resolution will not go to war. The proposition held a directly contrary language. It says: "That, under present circumstances, the United States deem it advisable to remain in a state of peace." [Mr. Pinckney said the reason why he had made this remark was, that yesterday the gentleman himself had said, he should not be for going to war, unless the country was invaded. He, therefore, connected the resolution and this declaration together.] Mr. G. said, he still repeated the same thing; that we ought not to resort to war beyond the limits of the United States. But he drew a contrary inference from this, from that which that gentleman had drawn, because he had accompanied the declaration with another, that he was perfectly ready to prepare to that extent for defence. He would explain the grounds of this opinion. Within our own limits we are capable of making something like exertion, and there, he believed, exertions might be made to advantage. Indeed, one of the propositions, which is connected with the present, goes to this purpose, and therefore with what propriety could the gentleman say, he and those who were of his opinion were not for preparing for defence till the enemy is at the door? Nor could he see any thing like humiliation in this. Nay, he was convinced, if we carried our preparations for defence beyond our own limits, instead of gaining glory or honor, we shall meet with nothing but disgrace, as we are not prepared to make a defence at sea. Indeed, the moment we get beyond our jurisdictional line, defence will become offence, because there will be no evidence by which it can be ascertained by whom the attack commenced. It would, therefore, be unwise to permit ourselves to be placed in this situation. If any object was to be effected by going out to sea, it must be the protection of our commerce with Great Britain; but it was known that the two acts of the British Parliament which took place in January last, if peace continues, may take that trade in a great measure from us. He did not think, therefore, that this was a sufficient object for which to incur so much risk.
At present, said Mr. G. there is a pretty general opinion in the country (and he thought there was much ground for the opinion) that there is a disposition in a part of this House, and in part of the Government, for war; and he thought it was proper to come to a declaration upon the subject. This would not only have a good effect upon our own citizens, but it would convince European powers, that though we were preparing for defence, we were not preparing for war.
Mr. G. said, he was not satisfied with the construction which the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Dana) had given to that part of the Message which speaks of our situation being changed. He did not believe the President had any reference to the dispositions of the people, but to the state of things generally.
The apprehension of war had already begun to produce disagreeable effects in his part of the country. He had received information that produce had fallen in price, and that the sale was very dull. He was of opinion, therefore, that the proposed declaration, if agreed to, would appease the minds of the people. It was said it would have no good effect upon the Executive Directory. He did not know that it would. But it could have no bad effect; and it might have a good one, for he did not think that body quite so abandoned as some gentlemen thought them.
The gentleman last up had spoken of the partition of Venice. He himself saw it with concern; but where was the difference in crime between the French Republic and the Emperor? Each took a part. But what was all this to the United States? Were they to go to war to avenge this partition? We heard nothing of this kind some years ago, when a partition of Poland took place. For his own part, he wished to leave the powers of Europe to themselves, and to draw ourselves within our own boundary, where we should be fully equal to our defence against any power on earth.
Mr. Harper.—When this resolution was first proposed, it appeared to him to be one of those nugatory measures which might either be agreed to or rejected, without producing any effect; and, until he saw the resistance which was given to the amendment, he remained of the same opinion; but now he found it was to say to the French nation, "you may commit against us injury after injury, and insult after insult, we never will resist you."
If this were not the intention, why resist the amendment? Taking this to be the intention, he should bestow some observations upon it. Gentlemen preached about peace. They cry, "peace, peace," as if we, holding the scale of the world, had the power to preserve it. Do not gentlemen know that peace or war is not in our power? They do know it, and that all in our power is to resist, or submit. Was not the clamor which was heard about peace, in so many words, saying, you must submit, not only to what injuries you have received, but to what you may hereafter receive? Was not every advance, on our part, for an adjustment of differences, met with new injuries and new insults? It would not be denied. If peace was all that gentlemen wanted, they would take the resolution in general terms, as proposed to be amended; but their opposing it shows that they have no objection to hostility, if it be not against the French nation—he would not say whose servants they were desirous of being, but against those whom they dread they are afraid to lift up their finger. And this was the spirit of peace which they wished to preserve—a spirit which he deemed vile submission—a spirit which was afraid to complain, and which met every new insult without murmur.
Mr. H. rejoiced that this amendment was made, because it had unmasked the intentions of the mover and supporters of the original proposition. They were now obliged to avow, it is not peace with all the world which we want, but peace with France—a servile and abject submission to one nation; a nation in behalf of whom they have heretofore been eager of war; for, notwithstanding all their cries at present for peace, peace, when there is no peace, they have on a former occasion been equally zealous for war. All their efforts were then used to involve this country in war, upon the side of the French Republic; but now, when measures of resistance are called for—not against France, but to prevent her from wounding her enemy through our sides—their cry is turned from war to peace. This he repeated, and, if they denied it, he would refer to written accounts of their discourses at that time, which would prove that they had sought war against England, and an alliance, offensive and defensive, with the French Republic. At that time, he and those who generally vote with him, desired peace; and it required all their skill and firmness to preserve it, and much obloquy was thrown upon them on account of their exertions. The ground which he and his friends then took was—let us first try negotiation; if that fail, we will then join you in the war. But these gentlemen were, at that time, all in favor of war measures in the first instance. Whence now this change of spirit? What has become of the spirit of 1794, when it was said to be disgraceful to negotiate, and that it would be base to surrender the independence of our country to a foreign power? He wished he could see the breasts of gentlemen now glow with the patriotism which then animated them; but, instead of this, what do we see? A spirit of the most abject kind; a spirit that would leave all our property unprotected beyond the limits of our territory, so that our commerce, from which is derived five-sixths of our revenue, is to be abandoned, lest, in defending it, we should give offence to the French Republic.
The committee were now told it would be time enough to prepare for war when an invasion of our country was attempted. And why were they told this? Because such an event is not likely to take place. Gentlemen know that all the hostility which France wished to commit against this country may be done by destroying our commerce. But they are disposed to surrender this part of our rights, rather than resist; and what security had we that, if the country were invaded, these gentlemen would then resist? He apprehended that the same spirit which led them now to submit, would continue to actuate them.
Last year gentlemen were opposed to doing any thing which should alter the state of things. If this negotiation, said they, fail, we will then join you in active measures. But now, when that time is come, they tell us we must still sink lower, and become more degraded. We are to be contented, not only to see our ships captured, our property destroyed, our sailors led in chains, our revenue annihilated, but we must see the army of the enemy attempt to land, before we will resist.
Mr. H. said he would bring his proofs, to show that those gentlemen who are now so loud in their calls for peace, were heretofore the supporters of a war system. For this purpose, he adduced Mr. Monroe's view of the conduct of the Executive of the United States, which, he said, was a publication which had met with the most unbounded and enthusiastic applauses from all the party; and he read from it an extract of a letter from Mr. Monroe to our Secretary of State, dated Paris, September 10, 1796, pages 209 and 210 of the book, in which he states it to be his opinion, "that if a suitable attempt be made to engage the aid of the French Government in support of our claims upon England, it may be accomplished; and that to secure success, it will be necessary to take the posts and invade Canada."
Would any man, said Mr. H., who shall read this passage, say that the system of these gentlemen is a peace system? And besides this proposition for taking the posts and invading Canada, the same gentleman proposes an advance to France of five millions of dollars. Yet these are the gentlemen who now are willing to say to France, "We will not fight you; we give you license to do us all the injury you please. You may fit out half a dozen frigates, which will be able to block up our ports; and we give you this notice that you may effect your purpose with little expense, and not prepare a large fleet for the purpose."
The gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Giles,) whose zeal for keeping this country in an absolutely defenceless state, has surpassed all the zeal he ever before displayed, except that which he had shown on a former occasion for bringing us into war, has told us that peace is the best thing we can have; and that it would be knight-errantry to attempt to defend our property at sea. After our Ministers have been sent off, and a decree passed which must destroy our commerce, and which had been already allowed to be just cause of war, this was the language of that gentleman on the present occasion. To show this gentleman's consistency, and because his language was at that time so spirited, so American, and carried with it so much force and energy, he could not forbear reading an extract from his speech on the 28th of March, 1794, upon Mr. Dayton's motion to sequestrate British debts. The question was not then whether we should arm for our defence, but whether we should make an attempt at negotiation. The arguments of the gentleman were, it is true, somewhat misplaced, though they were nevertheless patriotic and admirable; and he could not account for the strange contrast of his present sentiments on any other ground than that he believed the true interest of this country was only to be effected by a treaty of alliance with France and war with her enemy. Gentlemen who were on a former occasion in favor of spirited measures in defence of our rights, and were on this occasion the same, are consistent; though their arguments might not altogether be properly timed, yet they were radically right.
Mr. H. said, he would bring another example to the view of the committee. He meant that of Switzerland. Attempt after attempt had been made by France on the independence of that country. After going a variety of lengths, they effected their purpose of driving from thence that unfortunate class of men, the emigrants, who had been persecuted by those who had usurped all authority in France, and who sought the rights of hospitality amongst them. New aggressions were made; they took possession of a part of the Swiss territory, and displaced their magistrates. Seeing that every submission invited fresh insult, they united, hand in hand, took up arms, and reinstated the magistrates who had been displaced, and resolved to live free or die. What was the consequence of this spirited conduct? The French withdrew from their territory, disavowed the measures of their General, and declared that they desired nothing more than to leave the Swiss in full possession of their rights.
Let us, said Mr. H., take warning by this energetic example of the Swiss. Let us now begin to resist. Let us declare that we wish to preserve peace with all the world; that we allow that peace is good, but that we believe independence is better; that peace is desirable, but not at any price—and then France will relinquish her aggressions.
At this point the committee rose and had leave to sit again.