CHAPTER XII. [i.e., xi.]
ON THE CAUSES WHICH LED THE JESUITS TO GO TO NEW FRANCE IN 1611, AND WHAT HAD BEEN ACCOMPLISHED THERE BY THE FRENCH FROM THE YEAR 1608 UP TO THE TIME OF THEIR ARRIVAL.
WE have discoursed above upon the countries and people of New France, and in speaking [118] of the means of aiding these Nations, we stumbled upon the Factum, written and published against the Jesuits. Now inasmuch as this slanderer and factionist (which I shall call him hereafter), beginning with the embarkation of the Jesuits, pursues them, dogging their footsteps in Canada through woods and rivers, upon sea and land, day and night, in all their travels and dwelling places,—everywhere spying them out, to draw down upon them, covertly and treacherously, his impostures and calumnies; for this reason we must of necessity go back upon our route, to defend the innocent and to give a true account of their actions and conduct, as I promised to do in the Preface. And although on this account we shall often be obliged to go into details about many [119] little things which are scarcely in harmony with the gravity of a history or the dignity of an honorable Reader; nevertheless I believe that if I give heed to these things three great results will be derived therefrom, besides the discrimination of truth from falsehood and imposition, which in itself would be very profitable.
[158] Le premier emolument, que le sage Lecteur en tirera est, que de la practique, actions, voyages, & accidents, que nous luy specifierons l'vn apres l'autre, il recognoistra beaucoup mieux, ce qui est de ces terres, de leur naturel, du moyẽ de les aider, & les accidẽs de telles expeditions & entreprinses.
The first advantage that the wise Reader will derive from this, is that from the experiences, actions, journeys, and accidents which we shall relate to him, one after the other, he will understand much better what these countries are, their nature, the means of helping them, and the vicissitudes of such expeditions and enterprises.
Le second qu'il rencontrera tãt d'euenements, & si diuers, tant de fortunes, & incidents auec leurs moments & articles, que sa prudẽce pourra beaucoup s'y former. [120] Car en verité, c'est tout autre chose de philosopher en these, & de practiquer en hypothese: de mouler ses idees en chambre, & d'esclorre ses actions entre les hõmes: de faire son compte sur la liberté du genre, & se trouuer puis apres asseruy au lieu, temps, personnes, & mille petits incidents, mais qui estreignent bien fort; de nul prix, mais qui souuent neantmoins font changer de resolutiõ, & de fortune. Or c'est en l'exercice de ces particulieres circõstãces, & practique, qu'on acquiert la prudence; non en vne veuë, & recognoissance sommaire, & vniuerselle.
The second is that he will encounter so many and so different events, so many fortunes and incidents with their opportunities and details, that his discretion will be thus greatly strengthened. [120] For in truth, it is a very different thing for a man to philosophize in thesis, and to practice by hypothesis: to mould his ideas in his chamber, and to give form to his deeds among men: to count upon the liberty of the race, and then to find himself enslaved by place, time, people, and a thousand incidents which are trifling, but which very effectually bind him; of no value, yet they often change his purpose and his destiny. Now it is through experience with these particular circumstances and practices, that prudence is acquired; not in a comprehensive and general survey and examination.
Le tiers fruict sera de recognoistre vne vrayement paternelle, douce & admirable prouidence de Dieu sur ceux, qui l'inuoquent, & se fient en luy parmy les hazards, & varietés de ceste [121] vie, tels qu'on en verra icy beaucoup. Ces trois profits, à mon aduis, pourront bien contre-balancer la lõgueur du temps, qui s'employera en ceste lecture.
The third fruit will be in the recognition of a truly paternal, gentle, and admirable providence of God over those who invoke it, and trust themselves to him among the dangers and changes of this [121] life, such as will be often seen here. These three benefits, it seems to me, will certainly offset the tediousness of the time which will be employed in this reading.
Mais à celle fin, que le tout s'entende mieux, il nous conuient retourner à ceux, qu'auons ja dés si long temps laissés: sçauoir est, aux François, qui retournerent de Canada en leur pays, l'an 1607.
But to the end that all may be better understood, it is well for us to return to those whom we have left for so long a time, namely, to the French, who returned to their own country from Canada, in 1607.
Il vous a esté raconté, comme sur la fin de ladicte [160] année 1607. tout le train du sieur de Monts s'en reuint en France, & fut lors ceste nouuelle France entieremẽt abandonnée des François. Neantmoins l'an suiuant 1608. le sieur de Monts constitua son Lieutenãt le sieur Champlain, & le manda descouurir au long de la grande riuiere S. Laurens; Champlain y fit vaillamment, & fonda l'habitation de Kebec. Mais quant aux [122] faicts, voyages, & descouuertures dudit Champlain, il n'est ja besoin, que ie les vous crayonne, puis que luy mesme les a si bien, & si au long depeint en ses liures.
You have been told how, towards the end of the year 1607, sieur de Monts's entire company returned to France, and this new France was then entirely deserted by our countrymen. However, in the following year, 1608, sieur de Monts chose as his Lieutenant sieur de Champlain, and sent him on a tour of discovery along the great St. Lawrence river; Champlain did admirably there, establishing the settlement of Kebec.[26] But as to the [122] deeds, journeys, and discoveries of the said Champlain, there is no need of my outlining them to you, as he himself has given such long and excellent descriptions of them in his books.
Or le sieur Iean de Biencourt, appellé de Potrincourt auant que le sieur de Monts partist de la nouuelle France, luy demanda en don Port Royal. Le sieur de Monts le luy accorda, moyennant, que dans les deux ans prochains ledit de Potrincourt s'y transportast auec plusieurs autres familles pour le cultiuer, & habiter ainsi qu'il promettoit de faire. Doncques l'an 1607. tous les François estants reuenus (ainsi qu'a esté dict,) le sieur de Potrincourt presenta à feu d'immortelle memoire Henry le Grand la donnation à luy faicte par le sieur de Monts, requerant humblemẽt sa Majesté de la ratifier. Le Roy [123] eust pour agreable ladicte Requeste, & proiettant en soy de puissamment remettre sus ceste Françoise peuplade, dit au P. Coton, qu'il vouloit se seruir de leur Compagnie en la conuersion des Sauuages. Qu'il en escriuit au P. General: & qu'on designast aucuns, qui se disposassent à ces voyages. Qu'il les appelleroit au premier temps; promettant dés lors deux mille liures pour leur entretien.
Now sieur Jean de Biencourt, called de Potrincourt, before sieur de Monts left new France, asked from him the gift of Port Royal. Sieur de Monts granted it to him, stipulating that within the two succeeding years sieur de Potrincourt should go there with several other families to cultivate and inhabit it, which he promised to do. Now in 1607, all the French having returned (as has been said), sieur de Potrincourt presented to the late Henry the Great, of immortal memory, the deed of gift made to him by sieur de Monts, humbly requesting his Majesty to ratify it.[27] The King [123] favored the Request, and, contriving some way by which he could give effective aid to this French colony, told Father Coton that he would like to make use of his Society for the conversion of the Savages; that he should write to the Father-General about it; and that they should designate some persons who should prepare to undertake these voyages; that he would summon them at the first opportunity; promising henceforward two thousand livres for their support.
Le Pere Coton obeït à sa Majesté, & bien tost par tous les Colleges de la France fut entendu, qu'on en [162] deuoit choisir quelques vns pour ceste mission. Plusieurs se presenterent pour estre de la partie, comme est la coustume en telles expeditions beaucoup penibles, & peu honorables; & entre autres se presenta le P. Pierre Biard, enseignant [124] pour lors la Theologie à Lyon, Dieu voulust que ledit Pere fut choisi, & enuoyé à Bourdeaux sur la fin de l'an 1608. Parce qu'on pensoit à Lyon, que le project d'vn Prince tant efficace, ayant esté signifié dés tant de mois, l'execution n'en pouuoit estre que bien proche. Mais le P. Biard fut autant deceu du lieu, que du temps. Car à Bourdeaux on fut estonné, quand on ouyt ce pourquoy il y venoit. Nulle nouuelle d'embarquement pour Canada, ouy bien du debris, & desroute passée, de laquelle chacun philosophoit à sa façon. Nul apprest, nul bruit ou nouuelle.
Father Coton obeyed his Majesty, and soon through all the colleges of France it was understood that persons were to be chosen for this mission. Many offered themselves to take part in the work, as is usual in such expeditions, in which there is a great deal of work and very little honor; and among others who presented themselves was Father Pierre Biard, then teaching [124] Theology at Lyons; God willed that the said Father should be chosen and sent to Bourdeaux towards the end of the year 1608. For they thought at Lyons that the project of so powerful a Prince, having been known so many months before, could not be otherwise than speedily executed. But Father Biard was as much deceived in regard to the place, as the time. For at Bourdeaux they were very much surprised when they heard why he had come there. There was no news of any embarkation for Canada, but there was of the former wreck and ruin, upon which each one philosophized in his own fashion. No preparation, no reports or tidings.
Sur la fin de l'an suiuant 1609. Le sieur de Potrincourt vint à Paris, où sa Majesté ayant sceu, que contre son opinion ledit sieur n'auoit bougé de France (car le Roy le croyoit auoir passé la mer aussi [125] tost apres auoir obtenu la confirmation de Port Royal.) Il se fascha cõtre luy. Dequoy ledit sieur fort touché, respondit, que puis que sa Majesté auoit cest affaire tant à cœur deslors il prenoit congé d'elle, & que de ce pas il s'en alloit mettre ordre à s'equipper pour son voyage. Or le P. Coton, qui estoit en peine pour le Pere Biard, & pour la grande semonce, qu'il auoit faict au nom du Roy, ayant sceu le congé prins du sieur de Potrincourt, l'alla trouuer, & luy offrit compagnie d'aucuns de son Ordre. Il receut response que mieux seroit d'attendre l'an suiuant; qu'aussi tost estãt arriué à Port Royal il renuoyeroit son fils en France; & qu'auec iceluy toutes choses [164] estant mieux disposées, ceux-là viendroyẽt, qu'il plairoit au Roy d'enuoyer. Sur ce il partit de Paris, & consuma tout [126] l'Hyuer à se preparer.
Towards the end of the year 1609, sieur de Potrincourt came to Paris, where his Majesty, having learned that, contrary to his belief, the said sieur had not stirred from France, (for the King supposed that he had crossed the sea immediately [125] after having obtained confirmation of the Port Royal grant), was angry with him. Whereupon the said sieur, very much aggrieved, answered that, since his Majesty had this affair so much at heart, he would take leave of him at once, to go directly and look after the equipment for his voyage. Now Father Coton, who was troubled about Father Biard, and about the great invitation he had given him in the King's name, having heard of the farewell of sieur de Potrincourt, went to see him and offered him the company of some of his Order. He received the answer that it would be better to wait until the following year; that as soon as he arrived at Port Royal he would send his son back to France, and that with him, all things being better arranged, such persons should come as it might please the King to send. Thereupon he left Paris, and consumed the entire [126] Winter in making preparations.
L'an suiuant 1610. il s'embarqua sur la fin de Feurier, & n'arriua que bien tard à Port Royal, sçauoir est sur le commencement de Iuin, où ayant assemblé le plus de Sauuages qu'il peut, il en fit baptiser enuiron 24. ou 25. le iour de la sainct Iean, par vn Prestre appellé Messire Iossé Flesche, surnommé le Patriarche. Peu apres, il renuoya en France le sieur de Biencourt son fils, aagé d'enuiron 19. ans, pour apporter ces nouuelles du baptesme des Sauuages; & rapporter bien tost secours: car on estoit assez mal pourueu, pour passer l'Hyuer contre la faim.
The following year, 1610, he embarked towards the end of February, but arrived very late at Port Royal, to wit, about the beginning of June: here, having assembled as many Savages as he could, he had about 24 or 25 of them baptized on saint John's day, by a Priest named Messire Jossé Flesche,[28] surnamed "the Patriarch." A little while afterwards, he sent back to France sieur de Biencourt, his son, about nineteen years old, to take this news of the baptism of the Savages, and to speedily bring back relief: for they were very poorly provided against hunger for the coming Winter.
Le moyen de pouuoir trouuer secours estoit vne association, qu'il auoit contractée auec le Sr. Thomas Robin, dit de Coloignes, fils de famille, & en puissance de pere; par laquelle association il conuenoit [127] entre eux, que ledict de Coloignes fourniroit l'habitation de Port Royal durant cinq ans, de toutes choses necessaires, & sonseroit abondamment pour pouuoir trocquer auec les Sauuages; & que moyennant ce, il auroit les emoluments, qu'il seroit icy trop ennuyeux de raconter.
He was able to find assistance through an association which he had formed with Sr. Thomas Robin, called de Coloignes,[29] belonging to a good family, and under the authority of his father; through this association it was [127] agreed that the said de Coloignes should provide the settlement of Port Royal for five years, with all necessary things, and that he should furnish abundant means for traffic with the Savages; and in return for this he would have emoluments which it would be too tedious here to enumerate.
Lesdicts de Coloignes, & Biencourt arriuerent à Paris le moys d'Aoust suiuãt, & par eux on sceut en Court ces Baptesmes, & nouuelles conuersiõs que nous auons dit. Tous en furent bien-aises; mais le mal fut, que ceste feste ne se trouua pas estre celle des estreines.
De Coloignes and Biencourt arrived at Paris the following August, and through them the Court learned of these Baptisms, and new conversions which we have mentioned. All were very much pleased about it, but unfortunately this holiday was not the one of gifts.
Or Madame la Marquise de Guercheuille, comme entre ses autres rares & singulieres vertus, elle est ardamment zelée à la gloire de Dieu, & conuersion [166] des ames: voyant vne si belle occasion, [128] demanda au Pere Coton si à celle foys aucuns de leur compagnie ne s'en iroyent point à la nouuelle France. Le Pere Coton respondit, qu'il s'estonnoit fort du sieur de Potrincourt, qui luy auoit promis, que renuoyant son fils il appelleroit ceux de son ordre, qui auoyent esté destinés par le Roy; & ce nonobstant il ne faisoit aucune mention d'eux, ny par ses lettres, ny par ses commissions. Madame la Marquise voulut sçauoir comm'alloit tout cet affaire, & s'en enquit du sieur Robin: qui respondit, que toute la charge de l'embarquement luy auoit esté baillée, mais qu'il n'auoit point de commission particuliere pour les Iesuites; neantmoins qu'il sçauoit assez, que le sieur de Potrincourt se sentiroit fort honoré de les auoir aupres de soy, que pour leur entretenement luy [129] mesme s'en chargeroit, comme il faisoit aussi du reste de toute la despense: vous n'en serés point chargé respõdit madame la Marquise, parce que le Roy les defraye. Et auec tel propos enuoya ledit de Coloignes au P. Christofle Baltasar Prouincial. Lequel sur ces promesses manda au P. Pierre Biard, (qui lors estoit à Poictiers,) de venir à Paris, & luy fut donné pour compagnon le P. Enemond Massé, Lyonnois. Eux deux ainsi destinés à ce voyage de Canada, s'abboucherẽt auec les sieurs Robin & Biencourt, & partie faicte le rendez-vous fut assigné à Dieppe au 24. d'Octobre de la mesme année 1610. Car en ce temps là disoyent-ils, tout sera prest, si le vent, & la marée le sont.
Now Madame la Marquise de Guercheville, among her other rare and extraordinary virtues, is ardently zealous for the glory of God and the conversion of souls: seeing such an excellent opportunity, [128] she asked Father Coton if some of his order were not going to new France this time. Father Coton replied that he was very much surprised at sieur de Potrincourt, who had promised him that, when his son returned, he would summon those of his order who had been chosen by the King; but, in spite of this, he made no mention of them either in his letters, or in his commissions. Madame la Marquise, wishing to know all about the matter, made inquiries of sieur Robin: he answered that all the responsibility of embarkation had been delegated to him, but he had no especial commission for the Jesuits; that nevertheless he knew very well that sieur de Potrincourt would feel very highly honored to have them with him; and, as to their maintenance, he [129] himself would take charge of that, as he was doing in regard to all the rest of the expenses. "You will not be burdened with them," answered madame la Marquise, "because the King defrays their expenses." And with these words she sent de Coloignes to Father Christofle Baltasar, Provincial. He, upon hearing these promises, summoned Father Pierre Biard (who was then at Poictiers) to come to Paris, and to him was given, as a companion, Father Enemond Massé, of Lyons. These two, thus destined for the voyage to Canada, conferred with sieurs Robin and Biencourt, and having perfected arrangements, the meeting-place was appointed at Dieppe on the 24th of October of the same year, 1610. "For by that time," they said, "everything will be ready, if the wind and the tide are favorable."
Ainsi les Iesuites furent bientost en conche. Car la Royne leur fit deliurer cinq cents escus promis [130] par le feu Roy, & adiousta vne fort honnorable [168] recommandatiõ de bouche. Madame la Marquise de Vernueil les meubla richemẽt d'vtensiles & habits sacrés pour dire Messe; Madame de Sourdis les fournit liberalement de linge, & Madame de Guercheuille leur aumosna vn bien honneste viatique. Ainsi garnis ils se rendirent à Dieppe au temps assigné.
So the Jesuits were soon in a state of preparation. For the Queen had sent to them the five hundred écus promised [130] by the late King, and had added a very favorable recommendation by word of mouth. Madame la Marquise de Vernueil furnished them amply with sacred vessels and robes for saying Mass; Madame de Sourdis furnished them liberally with linen, and Madame de Guercheville granted them a very fair viaticum.[30] Thus provided for, they reached Dieppe at the time appointed.