ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.
(Extracted from the diary of Toby, M.P.)
House of Commons, Monday, March 23.—In arrangement for business of week to-day set apart for discussion of Naval Estimates. That meant a problematically useful, indubitably dull debate. As has been remarked before, it is the unexpected that happens in House of Commons. Since it adjourned on Friday portentous news came from Ireland, indicating something like revolt among officers of the Army stationed there for avowed purpose of backing up civil force in preservation of peace and order. Wholesale resignations reported.
The very existence of the Army seemed at stake. Had mere business, such as the voting of over £50,000,000 for upkeep of Navy, been to the fore, benches would have been half empty. As it was, they were thronged. Over the crowded assembly hurtled that indescribable buzz of excitement that presages eventful action. The Premier and Leader of Opposition appearing on the scene were severally greeted with strident cheers from their followers. Prince Arthur, the Dropped Pilot, at urgent entreaty returning to the old ship in time of emergency, enjoyed unique distinction of being cheered by both sides. Demonstration more eloquent than ordered speech.
AT THE DRESS REHEARSAL OF THE NEW COMIC OPERA, "RESIGNATION"
(AS PLAYED TWICE WEEKLY.)
Seelius. "I am undone!"
[Thrusts sword beneath armpit and expires.
Actor-Manager. "Capital! But try, if possible, to make it just a leetle more convincing."
Questions over, Seely read studiously prosaic statement of events leading up to resignations on the Curragh. Someone had blundered, or, as the Secretary for War, anxious above all things to avoid irritation, preferred to put it, "there had been a misunderstanding." All over now. Explanations forthcoming had smoothed out difficulty. Resignations tendered had been withdrawn. Familiar military command "As you were" obeyed.
That all very well. Opposition, upon whom crowning mercy had fallen from beneficent heavens, naturally indisposed to treat unexpected boon in niggardly spirit. Bonner Law insisted on business being set aside and opportunity provided for rubbing in the salt. Lively debate followed. Speeches delivered with difficulty through running stream of interruption. Byles of Bradford began it. Breaking in upon Bonner Law's speech with pointed question he was greeted with savage shout of "Sit down" that would have made the rafters ring, supposing there were any. Under existing circumstances the glass ceiling looked down compassionately, whilst Byles, after remaining on his legs for what seemed a full minute, resumed his seat.
Amid uproar that raged during succeeding four hours, Speaker, preserving a superb equanimity, rode upon the whirlwind and directed the storm. Whilst Premier was trying to make himself heard, Helmsley constantly interrupted. Speaker made earnest appeal to Members to listen in patience.
"There will," he said, "be plenty of time afterwards for anyone to ask any question or to reply to any point."
Winterton, ever ready to volunteer in the interests of order, asked whether John Ward, seated opposite, had not sinned in same manner as Helmsley.
"That is no reason why the noble lord should imitate him."
"What is sauce for the goose is sauce for the gander," retorted Winterton. Left House in doubt which was which.
Later Speaker dropped down on Page Croft.
"The hon. member," he said, "is not entitled to interrupt because some argument suddenly strikes him."
House laughed at this piquant way of putting it. Sark recalls curious fact. 321 years ago the same dictum was framed in almost identical phrase. Essential difference was that it was the Speaker of the day who was rebuked. He was Edward Coke, whose connection with one Lyttelton is not unfamiliar in Courts of Law. Appearing at bar of House of Lords at opening of eighth Parliament of Elizabeth, which met 19th February, 1593, Speaker submitted the petition, forthcoming to this day on opening of a new Parliament, asking for privilege of speech.
"Privilege of speech is granted," said the Lord Keeper on behalf of the Queen. "But you must know what privilege you have. Not to speak everyone what he listeth, or what cometh into his brain to titter."
Eight o'clock struck before turmoil ceased and House got into Committee on Navy Estimates. In a twinkling over £15,000,000 sterling voted. That nothing to what straightway followed. Getting into Committee on Ways and Means, House voted some £68,000,000 on account of the services of the year.
After this, House was counted out. In imitation of proverbial character of current month, having come in as a lion it went out like a lamb.
Business done.—Tumultuous debate on Ulster side-issue. Huge sums voted in Committee of Supply.
Tuesday.—Renewal of yesterday's excitement round action of certain officers of the Army in Ireland. Seely promised to circulate in the morning all papers relating thereto. To members of county councils, parish councils, and the like obscure consultative bodies, it would seem reasonable to wait opportunity for studying papers before debating their contents. We have a better way at Westminster. Business set down was the Army Vote. Seely explained that for financial reasons it was absolutely necessary money should be voted. Necessity admitted, this was done. But not till four hours had been occupied in inflaming talk. As for the vote for many millions, no time was left to talk about it. Accordingly agreed to without comment or criticism.
Amery struck note of Opposition criticism on Curragh affair by describing "how meanly the Secretary of State for War sneaked out of the position into which he so proudly strutted a few days ago." More of same genial kind of talk from benches near. But as debate went forward Members evidently became possessed of growing sense of gravity of situation.
It was the Labour Members who effected the change. For first time in life of present Parliament they with united front took the lead at a grave national crisis, representing without bluster the vastness of the social and political force behind them. John Ward in weighty speech brought down the real question from nights of personal animosity and party rancour. It was "whether the discipline of the Army is to be maintained; whether it is to continue to be a neutral force to assist the civil power; or whether in future the House of Commons, representing the people, is to submit its decisions for approval to a military junta.".
Warned party opposite that, the latter principle adopted, there will be no picking and choosing. The private soldier has his conscience as well as the commissioned officer. In cases of industrial dispute Tommy Atkins would find in speeches made to-day by noble Lords and hon. Members justification for refusal to shoot down members of his own class with whose position he had conscientious sympathy.
J. H. Thomas, Organising Secretary of Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants, put this in briefer phrasing when he said, "General Gough may feel keenly the Ulster situation. Tommy Atkins will feel not less keenly the industrial situation." House listened in significant silence to illustration pointing the moral. In November next four hundred thousand railway men will come to grips with their employers. If they do not obtain satisfactory terms they may simultaneously strike.
"If," their Secretary added, "the doctrine laid down by the Opposition in respect to Ulster is sound it will be my duty to tell the railwaymen to prepare for the worst by organizing their forces, the half million capital possessed by the union to be used to provide arms and ammunition for them."
Business done.—Ominous debate arising on Ulster question. Army Votes rushed through without discussion.
Wednesday.—Sudden dramatic change in strained situation. Turned out that Seely's guarantee to General Gough, accepted as satisfactory and followed by withdrawal of that officer's resignation, had not been fully brought to knowledge of the Cabinet. Learning of its concluding paragraphs only when yesterday he read type-written, copy of White Paper published this morning, Premier sent for Secretary for War and repudiated them. Seely, acknowledging his error, tendered his resignation. Premier declined to accept it. In view of all the circumstances he "thought it would be not only ungenerous but unjust to take such action."
This strange story, told in two chapters, the first contributed by War Secretary, the second by the Premier, listened to with strained attention by crowded House. There followed debate whose stormy course occasionally rose to heights exceeding those scaled on two preceding days.
Only once was there manifestation of general hearty assent. Forthcoming when the Premier warmly protested against "unfair and inconsiderate attempts, not made on one side only, to drag into the discussion the name of the King."
"His Majesty," he added, amid burst of general cheering, "has from first to last observed every rule that comports with the dignity of the position of a constitutional sovereign."
Business done.—Second Reading of Consolidated Fund Bill, on which debate arose, carried by 314 against 222. Majority, 92.
Suggested design for car which, by a simple arrangement op mirrors, enables the super-nut to drive in the special super-nutty position.