“Although all this is perfectly plain to everyone, our Supreme Command seems to be undecided as to whether an offensive with all the means at our disposal should be started on the Western Front simultaneously with one against Russia, or whether it should be directed against Russia only. As far back as last year I exerted all my influence—small though it has become—in favour of an energetic and whole-hearted offensive against Russia.
“Well-informed and far-seeing men have justly pointed out that, if fortune so wills it, the Kaiser, arm in arm with Hindenburg and Ludendorff, could risk a ‘bad peace’ without danger to himself and his dynasty, but it appears beyond doubt that the influence of Falkenhayn is all-powerful.
“ ... If we were to arrive at an understanding with Russia to-day, we should be able to go on with the war against Great Britain for a long time to come, and, by means of unimpeded submarine activity, to carry it to a successful issue. In that case we could also estimate the danger threatening us from America at as low a figure as many who are unacquainted with the position are putting it now.
“Thus it is my view that it is necessary to abandon definitely the belief that the war can be brought to a successful issue on the Western Front, and without first defeating Russia. It is greatly to be deplored that many observers assert that the Western Powers will make peace when they have found out that the big offensive now in progress remains without any visible success. Only people who do not know Great Britain can put forward such a proposition, but how many people are there at the Wilhelmstrasse who do know Great Britain? Very few indeed, if any....
“ ... You said you would rejoice to hear from me, and I can only regret with all my heart that I have not been able to report anything to you in which it would really be possible to rejoice.”
A still more serious note is struck in the following letter written in September, 1916:
“Very many thanks for your welcome letter of yesterday’s date, with the contents of which I agree in every detail.
“I quite share your belief that Hindenburg and Ludendorff must each feel like a great physician who is only called in when it is too late. Two declarations of war within 24 hours were necessary to bring about this change which the German people had been looking forward to for months and months. The Chancellor is justly reproached for not having had the courage to insist upon the appointment of these two men and on the resignation of Falkenhayn long ago. It is contended that he should have tendered his own resignation if his recommendations were refused, and his neglect to do so makes him principally responsible for the fate that is in store for us. For a long time back I have kept emphasizing the need for transferring our main activities to the Eastern theatre of war, and for definitely settling these personal questions.
“The Chancellor clings to his post because he believes that there is no one better qualified than himself to be at the head of affairs. Such an attitude reminds me of the old gentleman who neither wanted to die nor to retire from his post as president of the Berlin Chamber of Commerce, and who bitterly complained to those who came to congratulate him on his ninetieth birthday that he was compelled to stick to his office, in spite of his advanced years, because he could not see a better man to succeed him.
“It is very sad that we have arrived at such an impasse, and I am convinced that the present internal political situation is untenable. No German Chancellor can possibly carry the business of the country to a successful issue if, in the midst of a terrible war, he is obliged to fight against an opposition consisting of the Conservatives, the representatives of the Heavy Industries, and the majority of the National Liberals.