DISTURBANCES IN GERMANY.—The effect of the revolution which dethroned Louis Philippe was felt like an electric shock through all Europe. It was experienced immediately in the smaller states of Germany. New ministries were installed, which were pledged to a liberal policy. Louis of Bavaria resigned the crown to his son Maximilian. The Grand Duke of Baden agreed to the demands of a popular convention at Mannheim, and he placed a liberal ministry in control of the government. Prussia and Austria were thoroughly disturbed by the movement for freedom and national unity. A rising in Vienna (March 13-15), headed by the students, compelled Metternich to depart for safety to England, the asylum of political exiles of every creed. The emperor summoned a Diet to be chosen by popular suffrage, and went for safety to Innsbruck among his faithful Tyrolese. In Berlin, at the same time, there were excited meetings, and conflicts in the streets between the people and the soldiers. The Prussian king yielded to the demand of the crowd which gathered before his palace on the 18th of March, that the troops should be sent out of Berlin; but he did not send them away until the next day, and after an attack had been made on them from behind barricades. The ministry was dismissed, and a call was issued for a National Assembly to be chosen by ballot.
THE FRANKFORT CONVENTION.—There was a gathering at Frankfort, of about five hundred Germans, who organized themselves as a provisional parliament under the presidency of Mittermaier (March 31). They resolved to call a National Assembly, to be elected by the German people. The Confederate Diet recognized the authority of the provisional parliament.
THE FRANKFORT PARLIAMENT.—The National Assembly met on May 18, and created a new provisional central government, with the Archduke John of Austria as its head. The Confederate Diet ceased to exist. But the division of parties in the assembly, with respect to the system of government for united Germany, gave rise to long and profitless discussions. Differences of opinion as to the steps to be taken in a war which had sprung up with Denmark, respecting the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein, made the strife of factions in the parliament still more bitter.
NEW PRUSSIAN CONSTITUTION.—The Prussian National Assembly met on May 22. A hot contention arose between the moderate and the radical parties. At length the king adjourned the assembly to meet in Brandenburg; but the party of the "Left" (the radical party) protested, and was soon dispersed by force. In Brandenburg a quorum failed to meet. The government framed a constitution with two chambers,—the second to be chosen by universal suffrage,—and called a new parliament to consider it. The new parliament failed to agree with the government, but another parliament met (Aug. 7, 1849). Mutual concessions were made, and the king swore to maintain the new constitution (Feb. 6, 1850).
AUSTRIA: END OF THE FRANKFORT ASSEMBLY.—The Diet of the Austrian Empire was a confused assembly representing different nationalities. Kossuth, an eloquent Hungarian deputy in the lower house, demanded independence for his country. The Slavonic tribes resisted the supremacy of the Magyars. When the emperor took active measures against these (Oct. 6), there was an uprising in Vienna. The city was held by the revolutionists until the 30th, when it was captured by the emperor after much bloodshed. Ferdinand I abdicated in favor of his young nephew, Francis Joseph. The Frankfort Assembly debated the question, what relation Austria should have to united Germany. A majority decided (March 27, 1849) that a president should be appointed, whose office should descend in his family, and that he should be styled "Emperor of the Germans." The station was offered to Frederick William of Prussia, but he declined it. The new constitution was not accepted by the more important states. The assembly dwindled away through the withdrawal or resignation of members, and, having adjourned to Stuttgart, was finally dispersed by the Würtemberg government (June 18). Its history was a grievous disappointment of ardent hopes. The Prussians helped the Saxon, Bavarian, and Baden governments, to put down formidable and partially successful popular insurrections in their states.
THE HUNGARIAN REVOLT.—Austria reduced her German provinces to subjection, and early in 1849 the Italian provinces also. But a great contest was to be waged with the Hungarians, who gathered an army of one hundred thousand men, and gained decided advantages over incompetent Austrian generals. But in the end Austria brought together overwhelming forces and was aided by the intervention of Russia, which sent an army into Hungary. The Hungarian general, Gorgey, whom Kossuth and the ministers had made dictator, surrendered at Vilagos (Aug. 13, 1849). Kossuth and other Hungarian patriots fled into Turkey. Hungary was dealt with as conquered territory. The Austrian commander, Haynau, treated the vanquished people with brutal severity. The Hungarian constitution was abolished. The general constitution of Austria was abrogated on Dec. 31, 1851.
CONDITION OF ITALY.—Charles Albert, the king of Piedmont, or Sardinia, disliked the preponderance of the Austrians, and desired to give his people good government, but was disinclined to enter into the schemes of "Young Italy," composed of the ardent republicans of whom Mazzini was the chief. On this account they were exasperated with him. On the contrary, a great part of the "moderates" placed their hope for Italy in the Sardinian king and his house. To one of these, D'Azeglio, a nobleman of high character, who reported to him, in 1845, the danger that revolutionary risings against misrule in Italy would occur, and set forth the necessity for a speedy remedy, the king said, "Make known to these gentlemen, that they must be quiet and not move, for at present nothing can be done; but let them be certain, that, if the occasion presents itself, my life, the life of my sons, my arms, my treasure, my army, all shall be devoted to the cause of Italy." In Tuscany, there was much less oppression than elsewhere, but even there the government was despotic.
LIBERAL POLICY OF PIUS IX.—On the death of Gregory XVI. (1846), Cardinal Mastai Feretti was made Pope, and took the name of Pius IX. He adopted a new and liberal policy. Prisoners for political offenses were set free, an amnesty was proclaimed, and improvements—including railroads—were promised. The "Gregoriani," who were devoted to the old administrative system and to Austrian predominance, were offended. The Roman people generally were full of joy and hope. The extreme republicans were dissatisfied and suspicious. On the occasion of disturbances, the Pope consented to the formation of a National Guard, as the liberal party wished. The consequence was, that Austrian troops were marched into his territory. This movement roused Charles Albert to espouse more actively the Italian cause. In Tuscany the Liberals, with Ricasoli for a leader, drove the Grand Duke to measures of reform. Austrian aggressions were more severely felt in Parma and Modena. In Palermo, there was a rising (Jan. 12) against the unbearable tyranny of Ferdinand II. This was followed by an insurrection in Naples itself. The king was obliged to grant to his people a constitution. The same boon was granted by Pius IX., by the king of Sardinia, and by the Tuscan Grand Duke. Italy, it should be observed, was already on fire with these revolutionary movements prior to the overthrow of the government of Louis Philippe. The earliest popular demonstrations at Milan were on Sept. 5 and 8, 1847.
EVENTS IN ITALY.—The revolt in Vienna and in Hungary in 1848 furnished the long-coveted occasion for the Italians to attack the hated Austrian rule. Lombardy flew to arms, and expelled the Austrian troops. The Venetians set up a provisional government under Daniele Manin, their leader in the insurrection. The king of Sardinia declared war against Austria. A multitude of Italian volunteers rushed to his standard. But there was no national league; his military management lacked skill; and after some successes he was defeated by Radetzky, the Austrian general, at Custozza (July 25). Garibaldi, who had been a sailor, but was now a gallant and adventurous champion of the Italian movement, kept up the contest in the mountains on the north. The Austrians were once more in power. The refusal of the Pope to take part in hostilities against them alienated the liberals. His best minister Rossi, who stood midway between the extreme parties, was assassinated (Nov. 15). From the disorder that reigned at Rome, Pius IX. escaped in the dress of a common priest to Gaeta. The extreme democrats in Tuscany got the upper hand, and set up a provisional government. In Piedmont, Gioberti, the minister, gave way to Ratazzi, who was of the democratic school. But the dream of an Italian confederation was dissipated by the great defeat of Charles Albert by Radetzky at Novara (March 23). The broken-hearted king resigned his crown to his son, Victor Emmanuel. In Rome, the government, after the flight of the Pope, was lodged in an assembly elected by popular suffrage, with triumvirs, of whom Mazzini was the first. The French were not disposed to allow the Austrians to dominate in the peninsula, and sent an army under Oudinot, who captured Rome from the republicans, after a stubborn defense by Garibaldi. A French garrison now occupied the city. The Pope, who had abandoned the idea of political changes in the direction of Italian freedom and unity, was brought back to the Vatican (April, 1850). By the close of the summer of 1849, the Austrian authority was restored, and was exercised with redoubled severity in Venice and Milan. The rulers of Tuscany, Modena, and Parma had before returned to their capitals. They were kept in power by means of Austrian garrisons. The will of Austria was law in the greater part of Italy. Ferdinand II. (called Bomba) maintained his tyranny by the help of Swiss mercenaries and loathsome dungeons. Piedmont was the only spot where constitutional freedom survived. In its youthful monarch and in Garibaldi, the hope of Italy rested. The course of events ultimately proved that both the fire of the republicans and the prudence of more moderate statesmen were requisite for its emancipation.
COUP D'ÉTAT OF LOUIS NAPOLEON.—The Legislative Assembly in France, consisting of one chamber, had in it many monarchists. As the first Napoleon was sustained by the dread of Jacobin rule, so the third Napoleon profited by the dread of the ultra-republicans. It was felt by the trading-class, that the safety of society depended on him. When the French troops were sent to Rome in 1849, the opposition of Ledru-Rollin and his radical party became more furious. But Changarnier and his troops dispersed their procession (June 13), and broke down their barricades. The Paris insurrection was put down, and Ledru-Rollin fled the country. Thiers, Broglie, Molé, Montalembert, and other adherents of the Bourbons, either of the old or of the Orleans branch, now professed to yield to Louis Napoleon their adhesion. His measures for the restraint of the press, the punishment of political offenses, etc., were popular, especially in the provinces. The clergy were favorable to him. The soldiers, in the autumn of 1850, began to shout "Vive I'Empéreur!" Changarnier was removed from the command of the troops (Jan., 1851) when it was learned that his regiments did not join in the cry. Movements of this kind, together with petitions for a revision of the constitution, provoked hostility in the Assembly. The struggle between the president and that body culminated in the "Coup d'État" of December 2, 1851. St. Arnaud had been appointed minister of war, the fidelity of the troops in Paris rendered sure, and all needful preparations made with profound secrecy. The president gave a great party on the night of the first. During the night, the republican and Orleanist leaders—Cavaignac, Changarnier, Lamoricière, Thiers, Victor Hugo, and many others—were surprised in their beds, and imprisoned. They were sent away in custody to different places. Placards were posted, dissolving the Assembly, and declaring Paris in a state of siege; also, an address submitting to the people the question whether there should be a responsible chief of state for ten years. The soldiers fired on gatherings of the people in the streets, killing many innocent persons, for the purpose of forestalling any attempt at resistance. The deputies, as they persisted in their purpose to meet, were surrounded, and placed under arrest. Within a few weeks many thousands of persons suspected of disaffection were exiled or imprisoned. Nearly seven and a half million votes were cast for Napoleon, and only 647,292 against him. The political prisoners were released. Thiers was allowed to return to Paris.