Similarly, in Mah. ii, 37, 159, we have dēwiyaktomō; in Thup. (1901), p. 50, putakhu, p. 60, wan̆durakhu; in Amāwatura (1887), i, p. 23, ājīwakayakhu, p. 31, dewduwak.
With regard to the general use of the word atin,—which, in order to retain the expression, I have translated, “at the hand of,”[2]—this has virtually the power of a postposition commonly meaning “to,” “of” or “from,” and more rarely “by.”[3] The following are examples:—Ē minihā æhæwwā mē gǣnī atin, the man asked (of) this woman. Ē kumārayāge kiri-appā atin kīwā, [he] told (to) the prince’s grandfather. Sitānange gǣni atin kīwā, [he] told (to) the treasurer’s wife. Welihinnī me kollā atin æhæwwā, the f. bear asked (of) this youth. Ē minissu atin rilawat illuwā, (from) the men the monkey also begged. Ūrā atin æhæwwā ara hat denā, (of) the boar asked those seven. Gamarāla … ketta atin kīwā, the gamarāla told (to) the girl.
The same use of this expression is found in Eḷu:—Amāwatura, i, p. 24, raja … uyanpallā atin asā, the king having heard from the gardener; Thup., p. 40, bodhisattwayō atin tun sīyak lā, (by) the Bodhisattwa having put three hundred (masuran).
One of the commonest forms of the conjunction “and” is ignored by the grammars. In these stories there are many hundreds of instances in which “and” is represented by the particle yi or uyi, suffixed to each conjoined word. When the word ends in a vowel, yi is suffixed; when it terminates in a consonant, uyi, the pronunciation of this being practically wi. Some examples have been given in the stories; a few others are:—gætayi geḍiyi maluyi, immature fruits and [ripe] fruits and flowers; heṭṭiyāge wālaṭayi heṭṭiyāṭayi, to the heṭṭiyā’s slave and the heṭṭiyā; kolayi potuyi, leaves and bark; minihayi gǣniyi ē bælliyi, the man and woman and the bitch; mōlgahayi wangeḍiyayi kurahan-galayi bereyi, the rice pestle and rice mortar and millet stone (quern) and tom-tom; rilawayi pæṭiyayi ammayi, the monkey and youngster and [his] mother; talayi aluyi, sesame and ashes; udēṭayi hǣndǣwaṭayi, in the morning and evening; yanawayi enawayi [they] are going and coming; duwekuyi putekuyi, a daughter and a son; girawekuyi, ballekuyi, balalekuyi, a parrot and a dog and a cat; akkayi māyi, elder sister and I; um̆bayi mamayi, you and I,—(but tīt[4] māt, thou and I).
As in ordinary Sinhalese, many words that are well known as pairs are commonly written without conjunctions, as ammā-appā, mother and father, (also, ammayi appayi or ammayi abuccayi); akkō-nagō, elder sisters and younger sisters; ayiyō-malayō, elder brothers and younger brothers; ǣt-mǣt, far and near; rǣ-dāwal, night and day; hawaha-udē, evening and morning; at-kakul, hands and feet; gankum̆buru, villages and rice fields; ganu-denu, taking and giving; batmālu, boiled rice and curry, (but also batuyi māluyi).
Usually when a particle, especially yi, is suffixed to a noun or pronoun ending in a long vowel, this is shortened, in accordance with the common village pronunciation, as in several of the examples given above. Thus minihā, with yi or ṭa, becomes minihayi, minihaṭa; ammā and ayiyā, with yi or lā, become ammayi, ammalā, ayiyayi, ayiyalā; mal-ammā, with ṭa, is mal-ammaṭa; girawā, nariyā, and hāwā, with yi, become girawayi, nariyayi, and hāwayi; dēwinnānsē, with yi or ṭa, becomes dēwinnānseyi, dēwinnānseṭa.
There are a few instances of a form of verbal noun derived from a participial adjective, which is not mentioned by Mr. Guṇasēkara. In vol. iii, 146, line 5, we have dīpuwā, evidently equal to dīpu ewwā, the things [she] gave. In vol. i, 274, line 14, there is also, me nuwara hiṭapuwō okkama yakā kǣwā, [a] yakā ate all those who stayed at this city. In vol. iii, 79, line 20, the same noun occurs in the form hiṭapuwanḍa, those who were [there]. At p. 370, line 6, we have palā tanbāpuwā wagayak kanṭa dīlā, having given [him] a sort of vegetable stew to eat. See also uyāpuwæn̥ p. 428, line 12.
From another form of the participial adjective we have in vol. iii, 66, line 38, redda allāgattuwō, those who took hold of the cloth. In the same vol., p. 228, line 1, there is, mæricci minissu maḷawungen nækiṭa ena raṭakut ædda, dead men having arisen from the dead will there be a country, also, to which they come? On p. 315, line 11, there is, itā wisālawū duṭu duṭuwangē sit piṇa-wana … sālāwak, a very spacious hall, which causes the minds of the spectators who saw it to rejoice. In the Swapna-mālaya the same expression occurs:—duṭuwanhaṭa aniṭuyi me sīnat, for the beholders this dream, too, is inauspicious.
There are several examples of a peculiar form of subjunctive, one of which has been given in vol. ii, 323, note 1. Some others are:—apagē piya-rajjuruwō āwōtin um̆ba kayi, should our father-king come [he] will eat you; ē beheta e kumāri atin dæmmōtin, should the princess apply the medicine with [her] hand; kiri ṭikak bīwōtin misa, unless [I] should drink a little milk; yan wæḍak kīwuwōtin, should [he] tell [you] any work. In the work Swapna-mālaya there are other similar expressions, such as, pibidunōtin, pibidunahotin, duṭōtin, duṭuwōtina; the second of these exhibits the uncontracted form.
A short form of participle is often employed, with either a present or a past signification. As a present participle:—ballā burāna enawā, the dog comes growling; budiyāna innakoṭa, when [they] are sleeping; ēka balāna hiṭiyā, [he] remained looking at it; kumārayā budiyāna in̆dalā, the prince having been sleeping. With a past participial meaning:—atu miṭiyak kaḍāna issarahæṭa pænnā, breaking a bundle of branches [he] sprang in front; ewwā kaḍāna æwit, having come [after] plucking them; kændana æwidin, having come [after] calling [her]; okkē isa tiyāna budiyā-gattā, placing [his] head on [her] waist-pocket, [he] slept; wastuwa hoyāna enḍa, to come [after] seeking wealth.