[646] ‘Porq̄ dadivas quebrantan peñas.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 89.
[647] According to Bernal Diaz, Duero persuaded Narvaez, at the instigation of the friar, to invite the latter, and to seek by friendly efforts to win him over. Pretending to yield to his persuasions, Olmedo told him that if the proper persons were sent to confer with Cortés, he could no doubt be brought to terms. It was then agreed that Duero and others should arrange a private interview between the two generals. Hist. Verdad., 93; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xxi.
[648] The reason for this separation of oidor and officers was to prevent the former from issuing authoritative orders. This seizure had been effected just as Guevara returned from Mexico. Cortés, Cartas, 118. Hence, Cortés’ letter failed to reach him; yet Bernal Diaz assumes that he received it, and coöperated accordingly. Hist. Verdad., 89.
[649] This report, embodying Aillon’s, is dated August 30, 1520. A formal statement of the case, prepared on the arrival of the secretary, was forwarded on November 10th. Carta de Audiencia, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 332-48; Ayllon, Relacion, in Id., xii. 251-2; Carta al Rey de los Oidores, in Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 495-511. The report proved a heavy argument against Velazquez’ case, although Bishop Fonseca at first sought to keep it back. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 90; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. v.
[650] Two soldiers were also imprisoned for speaking favorably of Cortés. One of them was Sancho de Barahona who settled in Guatemala. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 89, 100. To Bernardino de Santa Clara, who had aided Aillon in the formal demands upon Narvaez, nothing was done, owing to his many friends in the camp. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xx.-xxi. This man was not actuated by friendship for Cortés, however. He had been treasurer of Española, where his prodigality nearly made him a defaulter. Cortés, Residencia, ii. 166-8.
[651] ‘Villalobos, y vn Portugues, y otros seys o siete se passaron a Cortes. Y otros le escriuieron, a lo que algunos dizen ofreciendosele, si venia para ellos y que Cortes leyo las cartas, callando la firma ... y que publicaua tener en Zempoallã dozientos Españoles.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 143. Bernal Diaz says five deserters, relatives and friends of Aillon. Hist. Verdad., 90, 92.
[652] Herrera assumes that he was deceived by Narvaez, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xix., but intimidation was no doubt the leading motive, for he could not possibly relish the prospect of Montezuma’s release by the new-comers, nor the licentiousness and greed of the soldiers. ‘This conduct of the men drove the inhabitants to flight,’ says Cortés, Cartas, 119, 125. When the jewels and other effects belonging to Cortés’ party were seized, together with the Indian wives of the conquerors, the cacique became seriously alarmed, exclaiming that he would surely be killed for permitting the outrage. This excited only derision, Salvatierra remarking: ‘Aueys visto que miedo que tienen todos estos Caciques desta nonada de Cortesillo.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 90.
[653] Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 587. ‘Ellos dejaban la villa sola por no pelear con ellos.’ Cortés, Cartas, 119.
CHAPTER XXI.
THE COUP DE MAÎTRE OF CORTÉS.
May, 1520.
Dismal Prospects—Empire to Hold, Invasion to Repel—The Army Divides—Alvarado Guards Montezuma, while Cortés Looks after Narvaez—The March Seaward—The Rendezvous—The Chinantecs and their Pikes—Cortés Sows Alluring Words in the Camp of the Enemy—Proposals of Peace—Defiance—Night Attack—Cortés Captures Narvaez and his Army.