[1015] Hallam. Middle Ages, iii. 321, 322.
[1016] Gardiner, Student's History of England, p. 69; Gneist, as cited above, p. 376. Cp. Gardiner's Introduction to the Study of English History, p. 91: "Even the House of Commons, which was pushing its way to a share of power, was comparatively an aristocratic body. The labouring population in town and country had no share in its exaltation. Even the citizens, the merchants and tradesmen of the towns, looked down upon those beneath them without trust or affection." Magna Carta itself was a protection only for "freemen."
[1017] Cp. Gibbins. Industrial History of England, pp. 36, 37; Pearson, History of England during the Early and Middle Ages, ii, 378.
[1018] See Pearson's English History in the Fourteenth Century, pp. 23, 228, 253, etc.; cp. p. 225. In the thirteenth century Frederick II had enfranchised all the serfs on his own domains (Milman, Latin Christianity, vi, 153); and a similar policy had become general in the Italian cities. Louis VI and Louis VII of France had even enfranchised many of their serfs in the twelfth century, and Louis X carried out the policy in 1315. Cp. Duruy, Hist. de France, i, 291, note. England in these matters was not forward, but backward.
[1019] Froissart, liv. ii, ch. 106, éd. Buchon, 1837. The southern counties, however, were perhaps then as now less democratic, less "free," than the northern.
[1020] Compare Mackintosh's rhetoric as to Magna Carta constituting "the immortal claim of England on the esteem of mankind" (History of England, 1830, i, 222), and as to Simon de Montfort, whom he credits with inventing the idea of representation in Parliament for cities (p. 238).
[1021] Duruy, Hist. de France, i, 289.
[1022] Cp. Guizot, Essais sur l'histoire de France, 7e édit. p. 322.
[1023] This had, however, been employed as early as 1246.
[1024] Cp. Pearson, as last cited, p. 8.