A School History of the United States

by John Bach McMaster

%561. The Bond Issues.%—We have seen that in April, 1893, the gold reserve fell to $97,000,000. But it did not stop there; for, the business depression and the demand for the free and unlimited coinage of silver continuing, the withdrawal of gold went on, till the reserve was so low that bonds were repeatedly sold for gold wherewith to maintain it. In this wise, during 1894-95, $262,000,000 were added to our bonded debt.

%562. Foreign Relations; the Hawaiian Revolution.%—when Cleveland took office, a treaty providing for the annexation of the Hawaiian Islands was pending in the Senate. In January, 1983, these islands were the scene of a revolution, which deposed the Queen and set up a "provisional government." Commissioners were then dispatched to Washington, where a treaty of annexation was negotiated and (February 15) sent to the Senate for approval. In the course of the revolution, a force of men from the United States steamer Boston was landed at the request of the revolutionary leaders, and our flag was raised over some of the buildings. When these facts became known, the President, fearing that the presence of United States marines might have contributed much to the success of the revolution, recalled the treaty from the Senate, and sent an agent to the islands to investigate. His report set forth in substance that the revolution would never have taken place had it not been for the presence and aid of United States marines, and that the Queen had practically been deposed by United States officials. A new minister was thereupon sent, with instructions to announce that the treaty of annexation would not be confirmed, and to seek for the restoration of the Queen on certain conditions. But President Dole of the Hawaiian republic denied the right of Cleveland to impose conditions, or in any way interfere in the domestic concerns of Hawaii, and refused to surrender to the Queen.

%563. The Venezuelan Boundary Dispute.%—During 1895, the boundary dispute which had been dragging on for more than half a century between Great Britain and Venezuela, reached what the President called "an acute stage," and made necessary a statement of the position of the United States under the Monroe Doctrine. Great Britain was therefore informed "that the established policy of the United States is against a forcible increase of any territory of a European power" in the New World, and "that the United States is bound to protest against the enlargement of the area of British Guiana against the will of Venezuela"; and she was invited to submit her claims to arbitration. Her answer was that the Monroe Doctrine was "inapplicable to the state of things in which we live at the present day" and a refusal to submit her claims to arbitration. The President then asked and received authority to appoint a commission to examine the boundary and report. "When such report is made and accepted," said Cleveland, "it will in my opinion be the duty of the United States to resist by every means in its power, as a willful aggression upon its rights and interests, the appropriation by Great Britain of any lands, or the exercise of any governmental jurisdiction, over any territory which after investigation we have determined of right belongs to Venezuela." For a time the excitement this message aroused in Great Britain and our own country was extreme. But it soon subsided, and on February 2, 1897, a treaty of arbitration was signed at Washington between Great Britain and Venezuela.

%564. The Election of 1896%.—By that time the presidential election was over. When in the spring the time came to choose delegates to the party nominating conventions, the drift of public sentiment was so strong against the administration, that it seemed certain that the Republicans would "sweep the country." Little interest, therefore, was taken by the Democrats, while the Republicans were most concerned in the question whether Mr. McKinley or Mr. Reed should be their presidential candidate. But as delegates were chosen by the Democrats in the Western and Southern States, it became certain that the issue was to be the free and unlimited coinage of silver and gold at the ratio of 16 to 1.

The Republican convention met in June, nominated William McKinley and Garret A Hobart, and declared the party "opposed to the free coinage of silver except by international agreement," whereupon thirty-four delegates representing the silver states (Colorado, Idaho, Montana, Nevada, South Dakota, and Utah) seceded from the party. The Democratic convention assembled early in July, and after a most exciting convention chose William J. Bryan and Arthur Sewall, and declared for "the free and unlimited coinage of both silver and gold at the present legal ration of 16 to 1, without waiting for the aid and consent of any other nation." A great defection followed this declaration, scores of newspapers refused to support the candidates, and in September a convention of "gold Democrats," taking the name of the National Democratic party, nominated John M. Palmer and Simon B. Buckner, on a "gold standard" platform.

Meanwhile, the Prohibitionists, the National party (declaring for woman suffrage, prohibition, government ownership of railroads and telegraphs, an income tax, and the election of the President, Vice President, and senators by direct vote of the people), the Socialist Labor party, the Silver party, and the Populists, had all put candidates in the field. The Silver party indorsed Bryan and Sewall; the Populists nominated Bryan and Thomas E. Watson.

[Illustration: William McKinley]

%565. McKinley, President.%—An "educational campaign" was carried on with a seriousness never before approached in our history, and resulted in the election of Mr. McKinley. He was inaugurated on March 4, and immediately called a special session of Congress to revise the tariff, a work which ended in the enactment of the "Dingley Tariff," on July 24, 1897.

%566. The Cuban Question.%—Absorbing as were the election and the tariff, there was another matter, which for two years past had steadily grown more and more serious. In February, 1895, the natives of Cuba for the sixth time in fifty years rebelled against the misrule of Spain and founded a republic. A cruel, bloody, and ruinous war followed, and as it progressed, deeply interested the people of our country. The island lay at our very doors. Upwards of $50,000,000 of American money were invested in mines, railroads, and plantations there. Our yearly trade with Cuba was valued at $96,000,000. Our ports were used by Cubans in fitting out military expeditions, which the government was forced to stop at great expense.

%567. Shall Cuba be given Belligerent Rights?%—These matters were serious, and when to them was added the sympathy we always feel for any people struggling for the liberty we enjoy, there seemed to be ample reason for our insisting that Spain should govern Cuba better or set her free. Some thought we should buy Cuba; some that we should recognize the Republic of Cuba; others that we should intervene even at the risk of war. Thus urged on, Congress in 1896 declared that the Cubans were entitled to belligerent rights in our ports, and asked the President to endeavor to persuade Spain to recognize the independence of Cuba; and the House in 1897 recommended that the independence of Cuba be recognized. But nothing came of either recommendation, and so the matter stood when McKinley was inaugurated.