[33] See the Letter Dedicatory in Gálvez de Montalvo's Pastor de Fílida addressed to Don Enrique de Mendoza y Aragón. Gálvez de Montalvo rejoices in his good fortune without any false shame: "Entre los venturosos, que a U. S. conocen, i tratan, he sido yo uno, i estimo que de los más, porque deseando servir a U. S. se cumplio mi deseo, i assi degè mi casa, i otras mui señaladas, dò fué rogado que viviesse, i vine a èsta, donde holgaré de morir, i donde mi mayor trabajo es estar ocioso, contento, i honrado como criado de U. S."
[34] See the suggestive observations of that admirable scholar, Madame Carolina Michaëlis de Vasconcellos in Gustav Gröber's Grundriss der romanischen Philologie (Strassburg, 1897), II Band, 2 Abteilung, p. 216, n. 2. "Schon an den Namen Amadís knupft sich so manche Frage. Ist er eine willkurliche, auf der Halbinsel entstandene Abänderung aus dem frz. Amadas (engl. Amadace) latinisirt zu Amadasius? d. h. eine wohlklingendere Analogiebildung zu dem portug. Namen Dinís? also Amad-ysius? Man vergleiche einerseits: Belis Fiis Leonis Luis Belianis Belleris; Assiz Aviz; Moniz Maris etc., und andererseits das alte Adj. amadioso, heute (a)mavioso. Oder gab es eine frz. Form in -is, wie die bereits 1292 vorkommende ital. (Amadigi) wahrscheinlich machen würde, falls sie erwiesen echt wäre (s. Rom. xvii., 185)?..."
[35] See a very interesting note in Il Cortegiano del Conte Baldesar Castiglione annotato e illustrato da Vittorio Cian (Firenze, 1894), p. 327. Commenting on Castiglione's allusion to Amadís—"pero bisogneria mandargli all'Isola Ferma" (lib. iii., cap. liv.)—Professor Cian notes the rapid diffusion of Amadís de Gaula in Italy: "Ma i' Amadís era conosciuto assai prima frai noi, ed è notevole a questo proposito una lettera scritta in Roma da P. Bembo, il 4 febbraio 1512, al Ramusio, nella quale parlando del Valerio (Valier), loro amico, e amico del nostro C. e dell' Ariosto e dei Gonzaga di Mantova, il poeta veneziano ci porge questa notizia: 'Ben si pare che il Valerio sia sepolto in quel suo Amadagi....' (pubbl. da me nel cit. Decennio delta vita del Bembo, p. 206)."
[36] See vol. xl. of Manuel Rivadeneyra Biblioteca de autores españoles entitled Libros de caballerías con un discurso preliminar y un catalógo razonado por Don Pascual de Gayangos (Madrid, 1857), pp. xxxi. et seqq.
[37] The Portuguese case is well stated by Theophilo Braga in his Historia das novelas portuguezas de cavalleria (Porto, 1873), in his Questões de litteratura e arte portugueza (Lisboa, 1881), and in his Curso de historia de litteratura portugueza (Lisboa, 1885). It is most forcibly summarized by Madame Michaëlis de Vasconcellos (op. cit., pp. 216-226) who cites, as partisans of the Portuguese claim, Warton, Bouterwek, Southey, Sismondi, Clemencín, Ticknor, Wolf, Lemcke, and Puymaigre. To these names might be added those of the two eminent masters, M. Gaston Paris and Sr. D. Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo.
[38] See La Littérature française au moyen âge XIe-XIVe siècle par Gaston Paris, Membre de l'Institut. Deuxième édition revue, corrigée, augmentée et accompagnée d'un tableau chronologique. (Paris, 1890). Referring to the romans bretons, M. Gaston Paris writes (p. 104): "Le Perceforest français au XIVe siècle, l'Amadís portugais puis espagnol aux XVe et XVIe siècles sont des imitations de ces grands romans en prose."
[39] Chiefly by Gayangos in the Discurso preliminar to Rivadeneyra, vol. xl.; by José Amador de los Ríos in his Historia crítica de la literatura española (1861-65), vol. v., pp. 78-97; by Eugène Baret in De l'Amadis de Gaule (second edition, Paris, 1871); by Ludwig Braunfels in his Kritischer Versuch über den Roman Amadis von Gallien (Leipzig, 1876); and by Professor Gottfried Baist in the above-mentioned section of the Grundriss der romanischen Philologie, pp. 440-442.
[40] See the Arcadia di Jacobo Sannazaro secondo i manoscritti e le prime stampe con note ed introduzione di Michele Scherillo (Torino, 1888).
[41] Ibid., pp. cclxi.-cccxliv.
[42] Compare, for example, Garcilaso's lines:—