The reason why he had voted for the continuance of the Embargo, though we had received intelligence of the revocation of the obnoxious and shameful Order of 6th November, was, because he had lost all confidence in the justice or wisdom of those who issued it; as he thought the first unjust by premeditation, he had suspected the last as insidious; however, this we know, that they have released our vessels. So very extensive was the influence of embargoes in this country, that nothing but dire necessity could justify them; a country with small capital and yet of immense export, and a great part of that export of a quality that could not endure the summer's heat. In such a moment as the present, where evidence of the opinions of the public was so contradictory, he would endeavor to do what appeared to be the broad and general interest. There was, he believed, a field open to speculation by the doubt entertained of this day's decision: a variety of opposite interests of course was thus created, and opinions and wishes might be expected out of doors from the different views of self-interest. Those who had to purchase grain, for instance, calculating on the almost certain termination of the Embargo some time this summer, and foreseeing great prices in foreign markets, might, if they were actuated by selfish principles, wish to see this resolution succeed. As the aspect of affairs had certainly considerably altered, and the reasons that led to the Embargo had so diminished as no longer to warrant either a dread of the capture of our vessels or the apprehension of war, (at least speedily,) he hoped the resolution would fail of success.
Mr. Boudinot asked what assurance we have that Britain will not play the same game over again that she has done already? Does not that new order prohibit, as much as ever, American vessels from carrying provisions to the West India Islands? As to the Republic of France, he could make great allowances for their situation; but, after all, what apology could there be made for the starving of American sailors in French harbors! Is this proper! These men, as Mr. B. had been well informed, were at this moment actually starving, and in want of the common necessaries of life. If the Embargo is taken off, this must be done upon the principle that it ought never to have been laid on. We must expect, that if our ships go back again to the West Indies, they will be taken as formerly. He could wish to stand by the measure, since it had once been adopted, and let the West Indies see that we can starve them out; let them see that we can make them feel the effects of our measures. He did not wish to continue the Embargo one moment longer than public necessity requires; but to have made the merchants and farmers suffer as they have done for two months, and then to have the business end in nothing, was rather vexatious.
Mr. W. Smith defended his resolution. It had been alleged, that emigrants wanting to get back to the West Indies, were prevented by this Embargo. Government had provided for that. The point, it is said, has been determined, that the West Indies depend on America for subsistence. He asserted, on the contrary, that this point was not determined; and this revocation will prove to the world, that we are as eager to sell, as they are to buy. He hoped that there was a spirit in this country to stand the consequences of the measures. He next replied to the ironical applause bestowed upon him in a former part of this debate, by Mr. Giles, for his recently assumed respect to the public sentiment. He said that it is often very difficult to say what public sentiment is. The member himself had often opposed the public sentiment: he had opposed the arming of frigates, and yet that was surely a popular measure. At the same time, he hoped that no member would vote for a measure that his judgment condemns, because it is said to be a popular one; as this would reduce him to a mere puppet—a machine. It had been said, that this Embargo should be taken off on account of France; but our vessels, if that obstacle is removed, will not go to France: they will go to the West Indies, where they can get thirty dollars a barrel for their flour, which they cannot get in France.
Mr. S. next adverted to the other Embargo, upon the members of the House, referred to by Mr. Clark. He hoped that public business would not be treated with levity, and that they would rise, when they found it convenient; but if the gentleman was so very impatient to get home, he could be very well spared by the House.
Mr. Clark rose, and said a few words in reply.
Mr. Giles approved of the idea of Mr. Gillon, as to the limiting the Embargo to the sailing of vessels for the West Indies: and a resolution to this effect was laid by the member on the table. Mr. G. thought this a proper discrimination, and, if it could be effected, the true ground that the House ought to take. As to what the farmers of America had suffered by the Embargo, Mr. G. believed that there was not a single planter in the district which he represented, who would not rather burn his wheat, and dance round the bonfire, than sell it to the West Indies to feed the British army. He would have brought forward a motion of this nature sooner, but he had not thought that it would succeed, nor did he think yet that it would. It would, however, show his sentiments, and he hoped the gentleman from South Carolina, (Mr. W. Smith,) if he was anxious to support his reputation for consistency, would give his vote for the resolution.
And then the main question being taken, that the House do agree to the said resolution, it passed in the negative—yeas 13, nays 73, as follows:
Yeas.—John Beatty, Elias Boudinot, Lambert Cadwalader, George Dent, Alexander Gillon, Benjamin Goodhue, John Hunter, Francis Malbone, Joseph Neville, John Page, William Smith, Artemas Ward, and Richard Winn.
Nays.—Fisher Ames, Theodorus Bailey, Abraham Baldwin, Thomas Blount, Benjamin Bourne, Thomas P. Carnes, Gabriel Christie, Thomas Claiborne, Abraham Clark, David Cobb, Peleg Coffin, Joshua Coit, Isaac Coles, William J. Dawson, Jonathan Dayton, Henry Dearborn, Samuel Dexter, William Findlay, Thomas Fitzsimons, Dwight Foster, Ezekiel Gilbert, William B. Giles, James Gillespie, Nicholas Gilman, Henry Glenn, James Gordon, Christopher Greenup, Andrew Gregg, Samuel Griffin, William Barry Grove, George Hancock, Daniel Heister, James Hillhouse, William Hindman, Amasa Learned, Richard Bland Lee, Matthew Locke, William Lyman, Nathaniel Macon, James Madison, Joseph McDowell, Alexander Mebane, William Montgomery, Andrew Moore, Peter Muhlenberg, William Vans Murray, Anthony New, John Nicholas, Alexander D. Orr, Josiah Parker, Andrew Pickens, Francis Preston, Thomas Scott, Theodore Sedgwick, John S. Sherburne, John Smilie, Israel Smith, Zephaniah Swift, Silas Talbot, George Thatcher, Uriah Tracy, Thomas Tredwell, Jonathan Trumbull, John E. Van Allen, Philip Van Cortlandt, Peter Van Gaasbeck, Abraham Venable, Peleg Wadsworth, Jeremiah Wadsworth, Francis Walker, John Watts, Benjamin Williams, and Joseph Winston.