Thursday, May 15.
Indemnity for Spoliations.
Mr. Goodhue moved the following resolution:
"Whereas it is a primary object in the establishment of Civil Government, to protect the persons and property of its citizens from the violence of nations as well as individuals; and whereas many of the citizens of the United States have suffered great losses, by spoliation made on their commerce, under the authority of Great Britain, in violation of the law of nations and the rights of neutrality,
"Resolved, by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the United States will guarantee an indemnification to all such citizens of the United States, whose property may have been captured and confiscated, under the authority of Great Britain, in violation of the law of nations, and the rights of neutrality."
Mr. Goodhue moved that the resolution might be referred to a Committee of the whole House, which was seconded by Mr. Dexter. It was then moved, by way of amendment to the motion, by Mr. Dayton, to add these words, "to whom was referred the resolution, for the sequestration of British debts:" to which Mr. Goodhue objected, because, he said, the subjects were distinct and separate in their nature and ought not to be combined. His resolution went only to establish the principle of indemnification, by guaranteeing it to the sufferers, leaving the fund from which it should be made (in case Great Britain should refuse to do us justice) to a future consideration. That whether British debts were sequestered or not, he said, the United States were bound to see that indemnity was made to the merchants whose property had been kidnapped in a secret, clandestine manner, while pursuing a lawful trade, under the authority of this Government and law of nations, or to give them an opportunity of indemnifying themselves by making reprisals. That it was well known there was great opposition to the sequestration of British debts, and it was very doubtful whether such a measure would ever be adopted; and if this resolution was to be referred to the same committee, and become connected with that, he should very much despair of ever getting any indemnification. That British debts were a very precarious and uncertain fund; and the idea of ever getting indemnification from that source, would operate as a delusion. That if sequestration, under any circumstances, could be proper, it was highly improper at this time, when an Envoy Extraordinary had just been despatched to Great Britain; and more so, as we had discontinued the Embargo, which would put all our remaining vessels in the power of that nation. He should, therefore, consider an agreement to the amendment as amounting to a determination not to consider the subject, at least for the present session.
In support of the amendment, it was argued, that the two subjects had an intimate connection with each other, and never ought to be separated; that British debts and British property were the natural and only funds for paying British depredations, and if indemnity was not given this way, it ought not to be given at all; that, as it was probable the resolution for sequestration would lie dormant for some time, it was best to refer this to the same committee, that they might sleep together. The amendment was supported by Messrs. Lyman, Nicholas, Smilie, Dearborn, and Madison.
Mr. Dayton made a number of pointed remarks on what he considered as the total futility of such a resolution. He looked on it as nothing better than an awkward attempt to gain popularity. He complained bitterly of the injustice of bringing up this motion alone; because when he voted against it, it might be surmised that he was unfavorable to the redress of the injuries of a certain class of citizens. He was for redressing their wrongs, and he had marked out to the House the only effectual way in which these wrongs should ever be redressed, viz: the sequestration of British property. He adverted to an expression made use of, some days ago, by Mr. Sedgwick, who had called this a mad project. Mr. D. was of opinion that the mad-cap might with propriety be transferred to a different situation, which he specified to the House. He said, that we were frequently told of the justice due to the British subjects. Be it so. But was there no justice also due to the people of the United States? And what justice could there be in attempting to make the American citizens pay for depredations committed by British privateers, when we had in our hands British property? Were we not bound to take as much care of our own interest, as of that of other people? It had been said, that as a negotiation was to commence under an Ambassador Extraordinary, that this measure would impede its success. He was, on the contrary, convinced that this was the only step that could be likely to insure the success of Mr. Jay's mission. It would teach Britain to give up her infamous conduct. It would convert, in the literal sense of the word, every English manufacturing house, that had debts due to it in this country, into an American negotiator; and they would, for their own sakes, compel their Government to do justice to the American merchants.
Mr. D. scouted the idea of taxing America, to pay for the depredations committed in the West Indies. Supposing, what every gentleman in the House knew to be impossible, that if Congress actually were to pass such an act, the people would not submit to pay their money for any such purpose.
Mr. Sedgwick said, it certainly had not been his wish that the question should be brought forward at the present time. As it was, however, before the House, as he approved the motives of his colleague, who made the motion, and as he perfectly concurred with him in opinion on the subject, he would make a few concise observations. He believed, that in a Government such as that of this country it was the peculiar duty of those to whom the administration has been committed, to extend security and protection to all the interests, and redress for all the injuries of the citizens. That inexcusable and unexampled injuries had been perpetrated, and an immense value in property unjustly spoiled, and that the honor of our country had been insulted, without provocation, were facts admitted by all. Those whose property had been the sport of wanton violation, which, in many instances, had reduced the sufferers from ease and affluence to want and misery, came forward and demanded redress and indemnification. That they were entitled to such indemnification, from the nature of our social compact, he understood to be agreed by every gentleman.