Note 3. nist = ni ist, is not ([§ 10], n. 2), þatist = þata ist, that is, karist = kara ist, there is care, it concerns; Jo. X, 12 ([§ 4], n. 1).
§ [205]. The verb 'wil' has in the present only an opt. which discharges, however, the function of the indicativ. This present optativ has the uzual terminations of the prt. opt. Its preterit is weak. The extant forms ar:—
| Present: | Sg. 1. | wiljau | 2. | wileis | 3. | wili |
| Du. | 2. | wileits | ||||
| Pl. | 1. | wileima | 2. | wileiþ | 3. | wileina |
| Infinitiv: | wiljan | |||||
| Prsp.: | wiljands | |||||
| Pret.: | wilda | Opt.: | wildêdjau | |||
| (Inflection like that of nasida, [§ 184].) | ||||||
3. IRREGULARITIES.
§ [206]. The distinction between the present stem and the preterit stem of the strong ablaut verbs consists only in the change of the vowel. The consonantal skeleton of the word remains the same. This was not always so, for in proethnic Germanic, as in other Indo-Germanic languages, there existed present formations with additional consonantal elements. Of these a few remnants stil survive in Gothic, which from a Gothic point of view must be regarded as irregularities.
(a) Present formations with j. The j of these formations which in the present inflect entirely like weak verbs of the I. conjug. (as, nasjan, sôkjan), is no formativ suffix and is dropt in the prt. and pp. The existing exampls ar:—bidjan ([§ 176], n. 5), hafjan, fraþjan, hlahjan, skapjan, skaþjan, wahsjan ([§ 177], n. 2), arjan ([§ 179], n. 5). Cp. also [§ 209].
(b) Present stems with a final nasal: keinan ([§ 172], n. 2) and fraíhnan ([§ 176], n. 4); —a medial nasal is seen in standan ([§ 177], n. 3).
§ [207]. The verb gaggan belongs, according to its present and pp. and according to the testimony of the other Germanic languages, to the reduplicated verbs ([§ 179], n. 3). Its prt. is uzually represented by the defectiv iddja which is conjugated like a weak prt.: iddja, I went, iddjês, iddja, etc.; opt. iddjêdjau. Onse, however (Lu. XIX, 12), a weak prt. gaggida occurs.
§ [208]. briggan, to bring, is, according to its prs., an ablaut verb (III), but the prt. (with ablaut) is formd weak: brâhta (from *branhta, [§ 5], b), pp. [brâhts].